scholarly journals White Compromises and American Prosperity

2022 ◽  
pp. 81-94
Author(s):  
Marvin T. Brown
Keyword(s):  
Civil Rights ◽  
Federal Government ◽  
White Supremacy ◽  
Jim Crow ◽  
White Men ◽  
Local State ◽  
Southern States ◽  
Civil Rights Movements ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
Black Empowerment

AbstractThe development and protection of American Prosperity was contingent upon Northern and Southern white men making compromises that allowed the continuance of slavery. These white compromises in 1787, 1820, 1850, and 1877 not only protected white supremacy, but also unity of the settler’s economy. The Federal government invaded the Southern states not to abolish slavery, but to preserve the union. After the War, during Reconstruction, Blacks started schools, farmed the land, and were elected to local, state, and national offices. This period of Black empowerment was cut short when Northern and Southern states compromised again to allow the establishment of the Jim Crow regime, the terrorism of lynching, and the re-establishment of the Ku Klux Klan. This compromise was disrupted with the 1960s civil rights movements, which has left us today without the unity necessary to create a climate of justice.

scholarly journals Alive American History: Сivil War of Monuments

2018 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 12-29
Author(s):  
N. M. TRAVKINA
Keyword(s):  
Civil Rights ◽  
American History ◽  
Democratic Party ◽  
White Supremacy ◽  
Jim Crow ◽  
The United States ◽  
Military Leaders ◽  
Southern States ◽  
Legal Barriers ◽  
The U.S

The article analyzes the origins and causes of public resistance in the United States about the issue of preservation of monuments,  symbolizing the period of the Confederacy in the U.S. South during the Civil war (1861-1865). Indicates that the main factor in  the confrontation was a victory in the presidential elections of 2016  of D.Trump, who in the minds of his Democratic Party supporters is  associated with racial ideas of “white supremacy”. With the coming  to power of D. Trump in the U.S. relatively powerful movement emerged, mainly in the southern States for the  demolition and dismantling of Confederate monuments, which  symbolize, in the opinion of left-liberal forces, the ideas and theories  of superior and inferior races, who were believed to be sunk into  oblivion after the adoption in the 1960-s of civil rights laws.  Currently in the U.S. there are more than 1.5 thousand artifacts  relating to or symbolizing the period of the Confederacy and glorify  its military leaders. The specific histories of the dismantling of  monuments of the Confederation in various States are outlined.  However are considered and the counteractions of the opponents of  dismantling the legacy of the Confederacy are considered, which  created in the recent years the strong legal barriers for the  protection of Confederate monuments under the pretext of  protecting the cultural heritage of past historical periods. It is stated  that in retrospect, the current wave of dismantling of the  Confederate monument is to some extent а justified step because for  the first 30 years of the twentieth century these monuments  were erected as political symbols of the segregation-racist regime of  apartheid established in 26 U.S. States after the adoption of the so- called laws of “Jim Crow” at the turn of XIX-XX centuries. In the  conclusion it is stated that under the President D. Trump the severity  of the problem of the removal/preservation of Confederate  monuments and other monuments of the past American history will  remain in the foreseeable future.

Federal Policy and the Racial Integration of Southern Industry, 1961–1980

1999 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 147-178 ◽  
Author(s):  
Timothy J. Minchin
Keyword(s):  
Civil Rights ◽  
Federal Government ◽  
Civil Rights Movement ◽  
Jim Crow ◽  
Voting Rights ◽  
Racial Violence ◽  
Racial Integration ◽  
Single Issue ◽  
Civil Rights Era ◽  
Federal Intervention

In the last two decades, one of the central debates of civil rights historiography has concerned the role that the federal government played in securing the gains of the civil rights era. Historians have often been critical of the federal government's inaction, pointing out that it was only pressure from the civil rights movement itself that prompted federal action against Jim Crow. Other scholars have studied the civil rights record of the federal government by analyzing a single issue during several administrations. In this vein, there have been studies of the federal government's involvement in areas as diverse as black voting rights and racial violence against civil rights workers. These studies have both recognized the importance of federal intervention and have also been critical of the federal government's belated and half-hearted endorsement of civil rights.

The Surprising Career of Federal Fair Housing Law

2000 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 215-232 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hugh Davis Graham
Keyword(s):  
Civil Rights ◽  
Policy Development ◽  
Educational Opportunity ◽  
Jim Crow ◽  
National Policy ◽  
Marshall Plan ◽  
Voting Rights Act ◽  
Fair Housing ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
Open Housing

Unlike the breakthrough civil rights legislation of 1964–65, which dismantled the South's Jim Crow system and led to rapid advances in job access and educational opportunity for minorities throughout the nation, the federal fair housing legislation of the 1960s produced little substantive change. The Civil Rights Act of 1964 and the Voting Rights Act of 1965 quickly became case studies in the dominant tradition of presidential leadership in legislative reform, joining such modern classics as Social Security and the Marshall Plan. The Open Housing Act of 1968, however, belongs to a different era of national policy development.

Racial Realities

2020 ◽  
pp. 9-24
Author(s):  
Natsu Taylor Saito
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Structural Change ◽  
Civil Rights ◽  
Racial Disparities ◽  
Civil Rights Movement ◽  
White Supremacy ◽  
The United States ◽  
Community Empowerment ◽  
American Indian Movement ◽  
The 1960S

In the 1960s, global decolonization and the civil rights movement inspired hope for structural change in the United States, but more than fifty years later, racial disparities in income and wealth, education, employment, health, housing, and incarceration remain entrenched. In addition, we have seen a resurgence of overt White supremacy following the election of President Trump. This chapter considers the potential of movements like Black Lives Matter and the Standing Rock water protectors in light of the experiences of the Black Panther Party, the American Indian Movement, and other efforts at community empowerment in the “long sixties.”

Afterword

2020 ◽  
pp. 229-240
Author(s):  
Kathy Roberts Forde
Keyword(s):  
Black Women ◽  
Civil Rights ◽  
White Supremacy ◽  
New South ◽  
Electoral Politics ◽  
Voter Registration ◽  
New Era ◽  
Nineteenth Amendment ◽  
Southern States ◽  
Racial Democracy

Racial divisions shaped the women’s suffrage movement and inflected much of the journalism that helped suffragists collectively imagine women as political beings, persuade others that women should be directly involved in electoral politics, and secure the vote through ratification of the Nineteenth Amendment. These racial divisions proved tragic. If the Nineteenth Amendment ever promised a new era of racial democracy in America, that promise was lost when white suffragists abandoned the citizenship aspirations of black women (and men) in the South to the forces of white supremacy. Henry Grady’s New South ideology veiled coordinated efforts across the Southern states to thwart black political power and institute the “solid South” of white supremacy. In 1920, Mary McLeod Bethune helped lead black Floridians in a voter registration drive—a bold effort to claim black civil rights promised in both the Fifteenth and Nineteenth Amendments. The result was violent voter intimidation across the state and a massacre of black citizens in Ocoee.

Introduction

2021 ◽  
pp. 1-14
Author(s):  
Thomas A. Guglielmo
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
Civil Rights ◽  
White Supremacy ◽  
Primary Sources ◽  
Secondary Source ◽  
Japanese American ◽  
Color Line ◽  
Civil Rights Movements ◽  
The Military

This introductory chapter outlines the book’s main arguments regarding its two primary themes -- racism and resistance. The military represented a sprawling structure of white supremacy and of African American, Japanese American, and other nonwhite subordination. And varied freedom struggles arose in response, democratizing portions of the wartime military and setting the postwar stage for its desegregation and for the flowering of civil rights movements beyond. The chapter also describes the book’s source base -- more than one hundred distinct archival collections, oral histories, published primary sources, and the vast secondary-source literature on World War II. It also discusses its key concepts, especially the terms division, color line, boundary, and divide. Finally, the chapter explains the particularities of the US military and the need for its long-overdue intensive study.

Jim Crow on Christian Campuses

2021 ◽  
pp. 68-97
Author(s):  
J. Russell Hawkins
Keyword(s):  
Higher Education ◽  
South Carolina ◽  
Civil Rights ◽  
Federal Government ◽  
Jim Crow ◽  
School Administrators ◽  
Southern Culture ◽  
Furman University ◽  
White Evangelicals ◽  
The Church

Chapter 3 highlights the continued influence of segregationist theology in evangelical circles even as explicit segregationist rhetoric began losing purchase outside that sphere in the mid-1960s. The centerpieces of this chapter are parallel narratives detailing the desegregation of Wofford College and Furman University, the respective flagship institutions of the Methodist and Baptist denominations in South Carolina. In describing the battles between school administrators who sought to desegregate their institutions and the laity of the state’s two largest denominations who resisted such measures, this chapter emphasizes white evangelicals’ continued opposition to black civil rights even as the broader southern culture was forced by the federal government to acquiesce on integration in institutions of higher education. Segregationist theology remained influential for a majority of white Baptists and Methodists who voted against desegregating the church schools in the mid-1960s and who withdrew their support when the colleges integrated against these Christians’ desires.

Race, Memory, and Military Men’s Sexuality

2020 ◽  
pp. 50-83
Author(s):  
Rebecca Forgash
Keyword(s):  
Civil Rights ◽  
Black Power ◽  
Jim Crow ◽  
Personal Narratives ◽  
Racial Boundaries ◽  
Racial Ideologies ◽  
International Couples ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
Racial Discourses ◽  
The U.S

This chapter analyzes Okinawan discourses on race and military men's sexuality, with a focus on how Japanese and American racial discourses have shaped local understandings of difference. It discusses how the imperial rhetoric positioned Okinawans and other Asians alongside the Japanese in unified opposition to Europeans and Americans. During the postwar occupation, the U.S. military and its personnel were introduced into the Okinawa discourses on U.S. imperialism in Asia, Jim Crow segregation, and the 1960s civil rights and black power movements. The chapter also features the personal narratives of individuals who self-consciously viewed their relationships as transgressing established racial boundaries. It narrates stories that illustrate the struggle of military international couples in order to understand and rework racial ideologies and expectations in Okinawa's postwar society.

Straight from the Offering Plate

2016 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kerry Pimblott
Keyword(s):  
Civil Rights ◽  
Black Church ◽  
Financial Support ◽  
Black Power ◽  
Local State ◽  
Organizational Resources ◽  
Staff Support ◽  
Civil Rights Organizations ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
Church Organizations

Chapter Four tracks Black Power activists’ mobilization of these new discourses to secure important organizational resources and coalitional support from local, state, and national Black church organizations. Between 1969 and 1974, the United Front secured more than half a million dollars in grants from church-based organizations as well as extensive lobbying, consultancy, and staff support for their political programming. As financial support for traditional civil rights organizations waned during the 1960s and local civic elites obstructed governmental funds, these new organizational resources proved invaluable and ensured that churches would become a significant, albeit overlooked, source of coalitional support for the Black Power Movement in Cairo and beyond.

The Age of Segregation, 1900–1950

2020 ◽  
pp. 117-152
Author(s):  
Donald G. Nieman
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
Civil Rights ◽  
Supreme Court ◽  
Federal Government ◽  
Communist Party ◽  
Jim Crow ◽  
World War ◽  
Civil Rights Organizations ◽  
The Supreme Court ◽  
The New Deal

This chapter argues that segregation generated organized opposition from African Americans and a small group of whites that challenged the system. Segregation was rigid, capricious, and designed to demonstrate white power. While it kept most blacks in menial positions, a small black middle class emerged that produced leaders who attacked Jim Crow. The organization leading the charge was the NAACP, which developed publicity, lobbying, and litigation campaigns. The effort gained steam in the 1930s, as a cadre of black lawyers challenged segregated education, the CIO and the Communist party championed civil rights, and the New Deal gave blacks a voice in federal policy. It further accelerated during World War II as the federal government challenged workplace discrimination, membership in civil rights organizations swelled, black veterans demanded their rights, and the Supreme Court became more aggressive on civil rights.

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