scholarly journals MORE PROTECTION FOR VICTIMS OF DOMESTIC VIOLENCE? (THE DOMESTIC VIOLENCE, CRIME AND VICTIMS ACT 2004)

2012 ◽  
Vol 18 (1) ◽  
pp. 243-260
Author(s):  
Susan Edwards

 In 2004, the government introduced the Domestic Violence, Crime and Victims Act (DVCVA). Baroness Scotland, in opening the Bill’s second reading in the House of Lords, said: “The Bill represents the most radical overhaul of domestic violence legislation in 30 years. It reflects the fact that domestic violence is unacceptable, that victims must be protected and offenders punished.”In broad terms, protection for victims is provided by introducing amendments to existing civil and criminal offences including extending police powers in making, both common assault and a breach of a non-molestation order, arrestable offences (section 10 and section 1); offering protection to a wider range of persons by including same-sex couples in the meaning of “cohabitants" (by amending Part 4 Family Law Act (FLA) 1996); including in the definition of “associated persons” same-sex couples (by amending Part 4 FLA), and  perhaps of the greatest significance  creating an entirely new homicide offence of  “causing or allowing the death of a child or vulnerable adult” (section 5). There are several provisions intended to empower victims of domestic violence by allowing them a greater participation in the justice process, including the right to make representation in court (sections 35-46) and by providing additional support in the form of a Victim’s Code, although the remit of this code of practice is still yet to be determined (section 32). Finally, there is also a provision, which establishes independent investigations of domestic homicides termed “domestic homicide reviews” (section 9). This commentary considers to what extent the new legislation will assist in the protection of victims of domestic violence.

ICL Journal ◽  
2015 ◽  
Vol 9 (4) ◽  
Author(s):  
Alec Walen

AbstractJustice Roberts′s dissent in Obergefell v Hodges - the case in which the US Supreme Court found a constitutional right for same sex couples to marry - rested on the premise the Court cannot invoke the right to marry as a basis for changing the definition of marriage. But his argument works only if the Court has no obligation to find a constitutional meaning for the term. I argue here that it has such an obligation. I argue further that an analogy with the concept of ‘person’ throws light on how that obligation should work. And finally, I argue that the most plausible constitutional definition would include same sex couples.


2008 ◽  
Vol 4 (4) ◽  
pp. 411-417 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kenneth McK. Norrie

During the 2008 US Presidential election, voters in California, as well as choosing a president, were asked to withdraw the right of same-sex couples to marry, the Californian Supreme Court having, six months previously, conferred that right by judicial decision.1 ‘Proposition 8’ aimed to restore the definition of marriage to its historical heterosexual limitations, and it passed, by a fairly narrow margin. The feature most remarkable to an outsider during the Proposition 8 campaign was the stunningly apocalyptical terms in which the debate was conducted, on both sides of the argument. The same-sex marriage debate is in the United States of America conducted in such venomous terms as to leave a European observer quite breathless. Nancy Polikoff’s latest book brings some calm to the discussion. It is a measured and thoughtful contribution to the debate and, though she does not directly address the question of why it is so much more contentious in the US than in other Western jurisdictions, her analysis does shed much light on that puzzling question. There are three main explanations that spring out of this engaging book.


Author(s):  
Olga Mykhailоvna Ivanitskaya

The article is devoted to issues of ensuring transparency and ac- countability of authorities in the conditions of participatory democracy (democ- racy of participation). It is argued that the public should be guaranteed not only the right for access to information but also the prerequisites for expanding its par- ticipation in state governance. These prerequisites include: the adoption of clearly measurable macroeconomic and social goals and the provision of control of the processes of their compliance with the government by citizens of the country; ex- tension of the circle of subjects of legislative initiative due to realization of such rights by citizens and their groups; legislative definition of the forms of citizens’ participation in making publicly significant decisions, design of relevant orders and procedures, in particular participation in local referendum; outlining methods and procedures for taking into account social thought when making socially im- portant decisions. The need to disclose information about resources that are used by authorities to realize the goals is proved as well as key performance indicators that can be monitored by every citizen; the efforts made by governments of coun- tries to achieve these goals. It was noted that transparency in the conditions of representative democracy in its worst forms in a society where ignorance of the thought of society and its individual members is ignored does not in fact fulfill its main task — to establish an effective dialogue between the authorities and so- ciety. There is a distortion of the essence of transparency: instead of being heard, society is being asked to be informed — and passively accept the facts presented as due. In fact, transparency and accountability in this case are not instruments for the achievement of democracy in public administration, but by the form of a tacit agreement between the subjects of power and people, where the latter passes the participation of an “informed observer”.


2021 ◽  
Vol 19 (3) ◽  
pp. 143-175
Author(s):  
Aleksandra Kuczyńska-Zonik ◽  
Peteris F. Timofejevs

Over the last two decades, family law has undergone changes in Western Europe, widening the definition of marriage to include same-sex couples. In addition, some East European countries offer a legal recognition of civil unions of same-sex couples, while others do not offer any legal recognition at all. This diversity in family law has been recently challenged by developments at the European level. It is argued here that this constitutes an adaptational pressure on those European Union (EU) member states that do not offer any or offer only formal recognition of same-sex couples. We examine two cases when member states faced such an adaptational pressure, namely Estonia and Latvia, focusing on the interplay of two types of factors. First is that of formal institutions which, due to their constitutional role or their expertise in the EU law, may act as facilitators of legal changes. On the other hand, there are also political actors which have tried to constrain such an adaptation. We examine here especially the role of two political parties which have made a considerable effort to oppose the change in the two countries. It is argued here that the ideological orientation of these parties explains, at least partly, their opposition to the ongoing Europeanization of family law. The paper concludes with a discussion of the main findings and their implications.


2021 ◽  
Vol 5 (IV) ◽  
pp. 34-42
Author(s):  
Dr. Ram Charan Meena,

Persons with disabilities have the right to enjoy the human rights to life, liberty, equality, security and dignity as human beings. However, due to social apathy, psychological barriers, a limited definition of “disability” entitled to the protection of the law and lack of proper data, persons with disabilities in India remain an invisible category. Although many laws set out to ensure their full and effective participation in society, they remain inadequate as they are based primarily on the discretion of the government. Also, the judiciary acts as the real protector of persons with disabilities whenever an opportunity arises, but it is not possible to approach the judiciary for every request. Unless the foundation of the law is strengthened, persons with disabilities cannot fully exercise their rights. The present research paper mentions the contemporary situation of people with disabilities with the current laws and concepts, and also the researcher believes that it is not only the law that will provide a solution to this problem, it is the change in the outlook of the society which may provide a solution to this problem. Thus, the horizons of the law should be expanded to provide a “human friendly environment” for all persons with disabilities to remove the barriers that impede their development. With timely implementation the time has come for effective legislation to protect their interests and empower their capabilities which are based on “rights–based approach” rather than charity, medical or social approach.


2009 ◽  
Vol 4 ◽  
pp. 1-33 ◽  
Author(s):  
Puja Kapai

AbstractHong Kong recently amended its Domestic Violence Ordinance (“DVO”). During the deliberations, the issue of whether protection under the DVO ought to be extended to same-sex couples arose for discussion and has since been the subject of extensive debate. Religious and conservative groups have argued that including these groups within the DVO risks overhauling the traditional meaning of “family” and could implicitly legitimize same-sex marriage whilst others have insisted that failing to provide equivalent civil remedies under the DVO to such groups amounts to sexual orientation discrimination and is contrary to Hong Kong's international human rights commitments. This paper reviews the various arguments that have been raised against the inclusion of same-sex couples within the DVO and argues that Hong Kong's international and constitutional commitments to the principles of equality and non-discrimination require that samesex couples be brought within the purview of this legislation.


Author(s):  
Debra M. Perez

As the United States becomes more accepting of sexual minority people, more opportunities have become available for same-sex couples to become parents. Blended families with a new stepparent, planned families via insemination, as well as adoption and fostering are changing what defines a family. As the definition of a family changes, so must the ways in which schools interact with each family type. The shared experiences of sexual minority parents and their children are explored, and recommendations for schools are made.


Author(s):  
Claire Fenton-Glynn

This chapter examines the interpretation of ‘family life’ under Article 8 and the way that this has evolved throughout the Court’s history. It contrasts the approach of the Court to ‘family life’ between children and mothers, with ‘family life’ between fathers and children, noting the focus of the Court on function over form. It then turns to the establishment of parenthood, both in terms of maternity and paternity, as well as the right of the child to establish information concerning their origins. Finally, the chapter examines the changing face of the family, considering new family forms, including same-sex couples and transgender parents, as well as new methods of reproduction, such as artificial reproductive techniques and surrogacy.


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