Ukrainian Civil Society from the Orange Revolution to Euromaidan: Striving for a New Social Contract

2015 ◽  
pp. 219-236
Author(s):  
Iryna Solonenko
Author(s):  
Ndwakhulu Tshishonga

This chapter explores the emerging new social contract that connects government departments, communities, civil society, and the private sector through Operation Sukuma-Sakhe (OSS) in the Province of KwaZulu-Natal (KZN), South Africa. This program is designed to expedite service delivery and development by addressing communal challenges such as poor or non-existent service delivery and lack of coordinated government programs and cooperative governance efforts. Social contract theory forms an analytical and conceptual framework to gauge the government's commitment through the OSS program in delivering decentralized services in partnership with communities and other development sectors. The effective functioning of OSS depends on the full and equal commitment of government, underpinned by a new social contract with other departments, the community, and citizens as both recipients and agents of decentralized service delivery. Primary data sources were interviews with OSS regional officials, supplemented by documentary data from the literature and state and local government sources.


2012 ◽  
Vol 45 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 65-76 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jane L. Curry ◽  
Doris Göedl

The Serbian Revolution of 2000, Georgian Rose Revolution of 2003, and Ukrainian Orange Revolution of 2004 are examined from the perspective of both the causes of popular engagement and the elite interaction. The authors argue that the model of Electoral Revolutions based on democracy promotion from outside and election fraud as a trigger for action does not fully explain either what brought people to the streets or why there was not a clear move to democratization in these cases. Instead, they show that corruption, failed administration, and state weakness were the triggers, that the opposition politicians were from the old administration, that people were repeating what they had done before in demonstrating, and that the mass movements did not result in the growth of civil society, increased popular engagement, or (on their own) significant democratization.


Author(s):  
Anthony O’Hear

Conservatism is an approach to human affairs which mistrusts both a priori reasoning and revolution, preferring to put its trust in experience and in the gradual improvement of tried and tested arrangements. As a conscious statement of position, it dates from the reaction of Burke and de Maistre to the Enlightenment and Revolutionary thought and practices in the eighteenth century. Its roots, however, go far deeper. From Plato, conservatives derive a sense of the complexity and danger of human nature, although they reject emphatically his belief in the desirability of philosophical governance. From Aristotle, conservatives derive their sense of the need for practical experience in judging both moral and political matters, and their understanding of the role of tradition in inculcating habits of virtue and wisdom in the young. Against Plato, conservatives prefer the limited government advocated by Hobbes, because of their belief in the ignorance and corruptibility of rulers, and because of their wish to encourage the self-reliance of subjects. They do, however, reject any conception of a social contract. In this, they follow de Maistre, who argued that creatures with the institutions and reactions necessary to form a social contract will already be in a society and hence have no need of such a thing. While de Maistre emphasized the terror underlying political power, more characteristic of modern Anglo-Saxon conservatism is the position of Burke. For Burke, a good constitution is one adorned with ’pleasing illusions’ to make ’power gentle and obedience liberal’. It is also one which dissipates power in a society through autonomous institutions independent of the state. For both these reasons the communist regimes of eastern Europe could not be defended by conservatives, even though for a time they represented a form of social order. While conservatism is not antithetical to the free market, and while the market embodies virtues the conservative will approve of, for the conservative the market needs to be supplemented by the morality, the institutions and the authority necessary to sustain it. Human beings are by nature political, and also inevitably derive their identity from the society to which they belong. Our sense of self is established through our family relationships and also through the wider recognition and apportionment of roles we achieve in the public world beyond the family. According to Hegel, who since Aristotle has written most profoundly on the interplay of the private and the public in human life, both family and the public world of civil society need to be sustained through the authority of the state. On the other hand, the distinctions between family, civil society and the state need to be maintained against the characteristically modern tendency to treat them collectively. In his insistence both on authority and on the checks and balances needed in a good society, Hegel may be said to be the most articulate and systematic of conservative thinkers. Conservatism has been much criticized for its tendency towards complacency and to accept the status quo even when it is unacceptable. However, in its stress on the imperfectibility of human nature and on the dangers of wholesale revolution, it may be said to be more realistic than its opponents. Conservatives can also be quite content with the claim that societies animated by conservative political structures have been more successful morally and materially than socialist or liberal societies. This claim they believe to be true, and it is a fundamental aspect of their position that the dispute between them and their opponents is, at bottom, an empirical one.


2001 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 15-30
Author(s):  
Michael M. Meagher ◽  

The American experiment with democracy faces challenges due to the waning of the moral and religious underpinnings of the original social contract. Religion has played a key role in the development of an American civil society from the pre-revolutionary era to the present. The lessons of historical interpretation have much to offer in illuminating the nation's civil society. This essay evaluates Gordon S. Wood's thought, contrasting it with Alexis de Tocqueville and others, in light of the American tradition of political thought. Wood is a proponent of the civic republican approach to history, which advocates an expanded public sphere and is sceptical of the private realm of civil society. This approach, however, is outside the mainstream of American thought, for civil society has formed an essential component of American life from the earliest days of the colonial and national periods. A promising way to repair the breach in the American social contract is through a renewed awareness of the role of Christianity in the nation's genesis.


2006 ◽  
Vol 20 (4) ◽  
pp. 571-597 ◽  
Author(s):  
Victor Stepanenko

This article analyzes the issues of civil society in post-communist Ukraine. These issues were actualized during the Orange Revolution at the end of 2004. The “outdated” point (as it might look now) on the lack of “the civil society argument” still provides a major explanation for the difficulties of democratic and market reforms in post-Soviet countries. The article is focused upon two aspects of the formation of post-Soviet, particularly Ukrainian, civil society: the peculiarities of its discourse and the issues an of emerging civic ethos. A one-dimensional concept on post-Soviet civil society, reducing it to the NGOs network, is reconceptualized. It is concluded that optimistic perspectives for the Ukrainian civil society can be related to the recent trends in the transformation of personal identity toward the more self-reliable pattern of social activity.


Jurnal PolGov ◽  
2022 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 127-162
Author(s):  
Felisitas Friska Dianing Puspa ◽  
Nicolas Kriswinara Astanujati

Tulisan ini berusaha memberikan elaborasi mengenai faktor-faktor apa saja yang berperan dalam kegagalan pemerintah atas kebijakannya di masa pandemi hingga memunculkan reaksi dari masyarakat sipil. Mulai dari minimnya preparedness, perbedaan sense of urgency, broken linkage, hingga rendahnya sense of belonging menjadi bahasan yang disajikan secara lebih lanjut dalam tulisan ini. Bagaimana pemerintah akhirnya mengakomodasi hadirnya komunitas sebagai bentuk resistensi yang mewujudkan terciptanya self-governing community. Yang mana keberadaannya juga mendorong berjalannya suatu demokratisasi. Melihat bahwa pergerakan dan polarisasi perlawanan sipil yang semakin tumbuh menjamur sebagai bentuk gerak komunal di masa pandemi. Indonesia menjadi salah satu negara yang turut meningkatkan resistensi. Melalui realita serta sumber-sumber sekunder, tulisan ini menjelaskan apa yang menyebabkan pemerintah gagap dalam penanganan pandemi hingga memicu kemunculan masyarakat sipil. Hingga akhirnya, civil society menjadi solusi (mobilizing for action) dalam tata kelola pemerintahan. Kata kunci: civil society, broken linkage, network governance, self-governing community, civil resistance, social contract 


Author(s):  
Candyce Kelshall

Purpose The purpose of this paper is to examine the existing approaches to police accountability and how they may or may not address changing norms and expectations of civil society. It examines the role of independent police advisors and how they may contribute to bridging this divide. Design/Methodology/Approach The paper is a constructivist reflexive critique of the shortcomings of the mechanisms for policing accountability. It addresses human security considerations and the social contract in the existing populist charged social context and addresses other ways by which accountability may be achieved by challenging ideas and facilitating reconceptualization of accountability. Findings The advent of the independent advisor as employed by British Police forces is reviewed as a viable means of engaging communities to enable a constructive relationship built on accountability in advance of action rather than punitive recourse post crisis via complaint. Originality/Value An exploration of the relationship between the ‘critical friend’ Community engagement model of the UK independent police advisor and the role played by this approach in reconceptualizing police accountability. The author spent 10 years as an advisor.


2014 ◽  
Vol 47 (2) ◽  
pp. 227-236 ◽  
Author(s):  
Irina Khmelko ◽  
Yevgen Pereguda

This article surveys and discusses the latest wave of mass protests in Ukraine, the Euromaydan. This study situates the Euromaydan within the history of the other protests in post-communist Ukraine and makes a comparison to the Orange Revolution (the Orange Revolution). The authors recognize the importance of international factors, but argue that Ukrainian domestic political factors contributed significantly not only to the emergence, but also to escalation of the latest conflict in Ukraine. This study tests a theory about the role of institutional factors versus the role of cultural-historic legacies in the process of mass protest formation and conflict development. We argue that institutional factors, such as: governmental policies; the composition of governmental, opposition, and civil society groups; corruption; and timing of legislative activity on most divisive issues in Ukraine have contributed to the conflict escalation in Ukraine.


2018 ◽  
Vol 39 (2) ◽  
pp. 326-347
Author(s):  
George Hristov

AbstractIn the article I argue that Hegel and Deleuze/Guattari construct two distinct political paths toward immanence. Both of these paths have as their starting point Rousseau’s bourgeois. I show that both thinkers follow Rousseau in his attempt to construct political immanence and abandon the position of private man. However, in doing so they move in opposite directions. Hegel seeks to convert the bourgeois into the citizen, with the intention of reformulating the immanence of state-life presented in the The Social Contract by extending mutual recognition a distinct space in the form of civil society. In contrast Deleuze/Guattari move in the direction of becoming-animal along the lines of the Discourse on Inequality, by reformulating the relationship between life and society. At the same time, I argue that the overcoming of the problems that Hegel and Deleuze/Guattari identified in Rousseau introduces new ones and that the dangers inherent in the project of immanence cannot disappear.


2019 ◽  
Vol 1 (34) ◽  
pp. 35-56
Author(s):  
Joseph O. Jiboku ◽  
Peace A. Jiboku

From the time of philosophers such as Thomas Hobbes, it has been made explicit that the state and civil society exist under a mutual-reciprocal relationship. The state exists to serve several purposes in the interest of society, while the civil society is expected to fulfill its obligations to the state for the benefit of all. However, the civil society in Nigeria has not had a good bargain with the state as poverty pervades the land with dire consequences on the entire fabrics of society. The state seems to have failed in promoting the interests of its civil society and most citizens have lost interest in participating in the activities of government. Thus, during most elections, Nigeria has witnessed various forms of electoral malpractices and even post-election violence as experienced in different parts of the country. This paper is a desktop research incorporating secondary data from relevant institutions and agencies. Its concern is to examine how the failure of the social contract has led to poverty, which has affected Nigeria’s democratization process. The paper suggests that addressing the issue of poverty will go a long way in ensuring peaceful, free, and fair democratization of political structures that will be of benefit to all, with applause from the international community


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