East-Southeast Asia in the Global Ceramic Trade Networks

Author(s):  
Geoffrey C. Gunn
1996 ◽  
Vol 462 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert H. Tykot ◽  
Stephen Chia

ABSTRACTLong-distance trade in obsidian from sources in the southwest Pacific has been well-documented for the Lapita culture complex, beginning about 1600 BC. Analyses of obsidian artifacts from recent excavations at Bukit Tengkorak in southeastern Sabah (Borneo, Malaysia) indicate the use of obsidian from multiple sources in Melanesia as early as the 5th millennium BC. The archaeological presence of obsidian, up to more than 3500 km from its source, is the surviving evidence of what was almost certainly the longest Neolithic trade route in the world. In addition, these results indicate that long-distance trade networks existed in Indonesia at least 2500 years prior to the Lapita culture, and strengthen hypotheses of its origins in southeast Asia.


1996 ◽  
Vol 39 (3) ◽  
pp. 243-286 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jan Wisseman Christie

AbstractCoins appeared relatively late in the history of maritime Southeast Asia. No indigenous coins have so far been dated to before the very end of the eighth or the beginning of the ninth century A.D. These early gold and silver (or silver alloy) coins, which seem to be unique to the region, have so far been found on the Malay peninsula, on the Indonesian islands of Sumatra, Java and Bali, and in the Philippines. The prototypes for these coins were almost certainly first minted in the Javanese state of Mataram, and the spread of their use was apparently linked to the expansion of this state's influence in the maritime trade networks. As the early Asian sea trade boom began to affect the domestic marketing patterns of Java, after the beginning of the tenth century, the need for large numbers of smaller denomination coins grew more pressing. Chinese copper cash were first imported, and then copied, in order to meet this demand.


Author(s):  
Pierre-Yves Manguin

Southeast Asian polities were destined to play an active role in the world economy because of their location at the crossroads of East Asian maritime routes and their richness in commodities that were in demand in the whole of Eurasia. For a long time, historians restricted their role to examination of regional peddling trade carried out in small ships. Research on ships and trade networks in the past few decades, however, has returned considerable agency to local societies, particularly to Austronesian speakers of insular Southeast Asia, from proto-historic to early modern times. As far in the past as two thousand years ago, following locally developed shipbuilding technologies and navigational practices, they built large and sophisticated ships that plied South China Sea and Indian Ocean routes, as documented by 1st-millennium Chinese and later Portuguese sources and now confirmed by nautical archaeology. Textual sources also confirm that local shipmasters played a prominent part in locally and internationally run trade networks, which firmly places their operations into the mainstream of Asian global maritime history.


2007 ◽  
Vol 50 (2-3) ◽  
pp. 325-346 ◽  
Author(s):  
Prista Ratanapruck

AbstractThis paper examines social and religious institutions that create and sustain a trade network among Nepali traders in South and Southeast Asia. It looks at how kinship and religious practices sanction a system of social and economic cooperation in their community. By pooling labor, information, material and financial resources, ensured by trust and mutual obligation, they can lower their operating costs. By extending kinship relations to societies abroad, such as through marriages with local women, they can have access to both local and translocal trade networks, as well as reduce protection costs. Because the trade network is embedded in institutionalized social practices, it is resilient and keeps a geographically dispersed community connected and competitive throughout their trading history. The paper is based on field research in Nepal, India, Burma, Thailand, Malaysia, Singapore. Dans cet article l'auteur mène une analyse des institutions sociales et religieuses qui créent et maintiennent un réseau de commerçants népalais dans l'Asie du Sud et du Sud-est. L'article s'adresse aux moyens par lesquelles les liens de parenté et des pratiques religieuses soutiennent un système de coöpération sociale et économique dans cette communauté diasporique. En partageant du travail, des renseignements et de certaines ressources matérielles et financières, c'est-à-dire en suivant un processus dont la bonne foi et le sens d'obligation réciproque garantissent le bon fonctionnement, ils savent réduire les dépenses d'opération. En élargissant les réseaux de parenté vers l'étranger, par exemple par des rapports matrimoniaux, ils réussissent en même temps à gagner l'accès aux économies locales et trans-locales en réduisant également les frais de la sauvegarde contre l'extorsion et les razzias. C'est grâce à l'enracinement du réseau de commerce dans des pratiques sociales institutionelles que celuici reste toujours flexible et de longue durée, ce qui lui permet de survivre dans une communauté géographiquement dispersé et de maintenir un haut niveau de concurrence à travers une longue histoire d'activités commerciales. Les enquêtes sur lesquelles s'appuie cet article furent menées à Kathmandu et à plusieurs comptoirs en d'autres pays.


1989 ◽  
Vol 23 (4) ◽  
pp. 625-643 ◽  
Author(s):  
D. K. Bassett

The purpose of this paper is to supplement existing knowledge of British and Asian ‘country’ trade to selected parts of Southeast Asia by drawing upon British private papers and the records of Fort St George, Madras. The 1680s marked the peak of international trade in Siamunder king Narai before the wars and revolution there of 1687–88. The decade also saw the elimination of the last great independent entrepot, Banten, on the Java Sea in 1682, as well as the final, ultimately-futile, Dutch efforts to control the Malayan tin-trade north of Perak. The Dutch also began in 1685 and 1689 their intermittent attempts to monopolize key commodities in the Johor–Riau–Lingga sultánate at the southern end of Malacca Strait. In one sense, given Dutch success or at least pretensions, the region from Pegu and Tenasserim–Mergui through certain Malay ports and Aceh to Ayudhya and Tongking constituted what might loosely be called the free-trade zone of maritime Southeast Asia. It was also one in which, with the exception of Perak after 1745, the indigenous monarchies retained complete or extensive independence from European supervision. Into this zone, with occasional ventures to the smaller Indonesian ports, British country traders sailed for over a century, from Bowrey and Dampier in the 1680s to Light and Scott in the 1770s. What were the principal features of the markets they frequented?


2010 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 215-239 ◽  
Author(s):  
C. Patterson Giersch

AbstractFor several decades, theorists have challenged notions of geographical space as fixed, instead arguing that spatial scales and regional configurations respond to transformations in politics and economies. This has raised questions about permanent regional studies configurations (such as Southeast Asia), sparking the proposal of ‘Zomia’, an alternative region focusing on Asia’s highland borderlands. Building on these developments, this article employs ‘process geography’ methodologies to reconstruct trading networks through the mountains and river valleys of nineteenth- and early twentieth-century Inner Asia’s Kham, East Asia’s Sichuan and Yunnan Provinces, and Southeast Asia. In doing so, it reveals who traded commodities, on what scales they operated, and how their increasingly complex networks were imbricated with state and local power. These networks linked Zomian communities to Chinese and global transformations and influenced local cultural and political changes, suggesting that studies of mobility can uncover hidden geographies of social, political, and cultural change.


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