Hong Kong

Tracing China ◽  
2016 ◽  
Author(s):  
Helen F. Siu
Keyword(s):  
Hong Kong ◽  
Political History ◽  
The Political ◽  
Cultural Meanings ◽  
Nation States ◽  
The Social ◽  
Political Center

Physical symbols are not to be changed arbitrarily, but empires have related to subject populations with political notions quite different from and rather differently than those of modern nation-states. Sovereignty often means something different at the political center than in the margins, and the cultural kaleidoscope we call Hong Kong is a result of numerous historical landmarks on these notions. We are all too familiar with these events and how their political history is told today. Therefore, I would rather explore the social and cultural meanings of people’s lives on the ground; we may find interesting stories there that do not fit into any standard political categories.

scholarly journals Christianity and Islam under the Sultans of Konia

1913 ◽  
Vol 19 ◽  
pp. 191-197
Author(s):  
F. W. Hasluck
Keyword(s):  
Thirteenth Century ◽  
Political History ◽  
Religious History ◽  
Social Conditions ◽  
Asia Minor ◽  
The Political ◽  
Highly Educated ◽  
The Social ◽  
Artistic Achievement ◽  
History Of

At the first appearance of the Ottomans, towards the close of the thirteenth century, Christian and Turk had already been living for two centuries side by side in the interior of Asia Minor under the rule of the Seljouk Sultans of Roum. The political history of this period is still emerging from obscurity: the social and religious history has hardly been touched. The Byzantine historians, concerned only incidentally with provinces already in partibus, give us no more than hints, and we have none of those personal and intimate records which are apt to tell us much more of social conditions than the most elaborate chronicle.The golden age of the Sultanate of Roum is undoubtedly the reign of Ala-ed-din I. (1219–1236), whose capital, Konia, still in its decay bears witness by monument and inscription to the culture and artistic achievement of his time. Ala-ed-din was a highly-educated man and an enlightened ruler. He was familiar with Christianity, having spent eleven years in exile at Constantinople. One of his predecessors, Kaikhosru I. (1192–6, 1204–10) who likewise spent an exile in Christendom, nearly became a Christian and married a Christian wife.

Re-articulating Genealogy: Hegel on Kinship, Race and Reproduction

2019 ◽  
pp. 1-21
Author(s):  
Susanne Lettow
Keyword(s):  
Sexual Difference ◽  
Racial Diversity ◽  
The Political ◽  
Cultural Meanings ◽  
The Social ◽  
Political Economic ◽  
Scientific Debates ◽  
Different Parts

AbstractIn the decades around 1800, genealogical imaginaries, or the social, political, economic and cultural meanings of descent and kinship, underwent far-reaching change. Hegel was deeply concerned with these transformations in various respects and in different parts of his philosophy. By engaging with the issues of kinship and family, with the disputes over racial diversity as well as with the scientific debates about life, reproduction and the meaning of sexual difference, Hegel contributed to a philosophical re-articulation of genealogical relations, or to the shaping of a new vocabulary through which the political, social, cultural and epistemic transformations of the period were rendered intelligible in distinctive ways. Although Hegel did not draw explicit connections between his reflections on kinship, race and reproduction, my aim is to explore the semantic interrelations among his reflections on these issues.

Social Work, Modernity and Post Modernity

1991 ◽  
Vol 39 (4) ◽  
pp. 745-762 ◽  
Author(s):  
Graham B. McBeath ◽  
Stephen A. Webb
Keyword(s):  
Social Work ◽  
Social Worker ◽  
The Political ◽  
Ethical Values ◽  
Cultural Meanings ◽  
Central Value ◽  
Connected Set ◽  
The Social ◽  
Current Reform ◽  
And Performance

In this article we argue that current reform proposals coming from Robert Pinker and others are challenging the universalist premises of generic social work. Pinker et al. argue that social work should, for the sake of efficiency and performance, be a connected set of specialist activities. This ‘determinate dispersal’ which we recognise as falling within the remit of postmodern strategies, we contrast with the far more libertarian ideas of the noted post-modern theorist J.F. Lyotard. Thus we site the political and cultural meanings of Pinker's ideas between generic social work which upholds ideas of universal ethical values and universal provision, and those of Lyotard whose anti-foundationalism proposes a radically heterogeneous society with no central value-structure. We express our concern that the ‘new specialist’ remit may allow too much power to the social worker. Thus we have considerable sympathy for Lyotard's call for a radical anonistics – a field wherein the inequalities of power between say, a worker and her client, to some extent can be redressed.

The dilemmas of Czech political life and their pragmatic solutions. 1998–2002

2021 ◽  
pp. 179-196
Author(s):  
Ella G. Zadorozhnyuk ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Democratic Party ◽  
Political History ◽  
Political Life ◽  
The Political ◽  
Social Democratic Party ◽  
Social Democrats ◽  
The Social ◽  
History Of ◽  
Radical Shift ◽  
Political Decision Making

In 1998, the Czech Republic underwent a radical shift from the confrontational/conflicted political style of the first half of the 1990s to a pragmatic/consensual style. The leaders of the two largest political parties - the center-left Czech Social Democratic Party and the center-right Civic Democratic Party - signed the Opposition Treaty. From that point, it is possible to describe a new political mechanism that reformed the framework of cooperation between the Social Democrats and the Civil Democrats. These techniques of negotiation appeared again, and in a modified version, after another turning point in Czech political history, when the Action movement of disaffected citizens focusing on pragmatic solutions, made a compromise agreement with the CPCzM in 2011. This style of political decision-making can also be given a more expansive interpretation: it can be seen as a specific feature of the political history of a state located in the heart of Europe, economically prosperous and politically extremely turbulent.

scholarly journals A ECOLOGIA DE ASSENTAMENTOS, INTERAÇÕES SOCIAIS AMERÍNDIAS E O CONTEXTO GEOGRÁFICO DOS MUIRAQUITÃS NO BAIXO AMAZONAS.

2018 ◽  
Vol 15 (30) ◽  
pp. 121 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anderson Márcio Amaral
Keyword(s):  
Social Interactions ◽  
Cultural Landscape ◽  
The Political ◽  
Long Distance ◽  
Exchange Networks ◽  
Historical Information ◽  
Prestige Goods ◽  
The Social ◽  
Political Center ◽  
Questions And Answers

Este artigo aborda a importância da paisagem e as correlações entre ecologia de assentamentos humanos e a construção do tecido social entre sociedades ameríndias no período pré-colonial e colonial no baixo Amazonas, precocemente fomentadas pelas redes de troca. Nas crônicas ibéricas sobre o Rio das Amazonas dos séculos XVI e XVII, são mencionados aspectos relacionados à paisagem cultural de Santarém, tida como o centro político dos Tapajós, em uma extensa área entre os municípios de Juruti e Prainha. Microrregiões do oeste paraense, que estavam politicamente integradas por sistemas de chefias regionais, foram nomeadas de província de São João por Gaspar de Carvajal. Trata-se da mesma área das províncias arqueológicas de Santarém-Nhamundá-Trombetas, historicamente vinculadas como centros de produção e circulação de objetos de pedras verdes conhecidos como muiraquitãs. A relativa abundância de informações históricas relacionadas à ecologia de assentamentos, produção de bens de prestígio e interações sociais complexas intra e extra área Santarém esbarrava na ausência de base de dados arqueológicos que pudesse dar sustentação às crônicas.  Essa problemática vem sendo contornada nas últimas duas décadas com a publicação de dados de pesquisa na região do Baixo Amazonas e, mais recentemente, na costa oriental amazônica, corroborando informações históricas e fornecendo os aportes necessários à elaboração perguntas e respostas, relacionadas à ecologia de assentamentos na área Santarém e interações sociais de longa distância na antiga Amazônia. Abstract: This article discusses the importance of landscape and the correlations between the ecology of human settlements and the construction of the social tessitura between Amerindian societies in the pre-colonial and colonial times in the lower Amazonas, precocious fomented by the exchange networks. In the Iberian chronicles on the River of the Amazons of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, aspects related to the cultural landscape of Santarém, considered as the political center of the Tapajós Indians, and of an extensive area between the municipalities of Juruti and Prainha, microregions of western Paraense, that were politically integrated, by systems of regional heads, being named of province of São João by Gaspar Carvajal. It is the same area of the archaeological provinces of Santarem-Nhamundá-Trombetas, historically linked as centers of production and circulation of objects of green stones known as muiraquitãs. The relative abundance of historical information related to settling ecology, production of prestige goods and complex social interactions in and out of the Santarém area, ran up against the absence of an archaeological database that could sustain the chronicles. This problem has been overcome in the last two decades with the publication of research data in the Amazon region and more recently on the eastern Amazon coast, corroborating historical information and providing the necessary inputs in the elaboration of questions and answers related to the ecology of settlements in the area Santarém and long-distance social interactions in the ancient Amazon. 

Architecture, Time, and Cultural Politics

2020 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 61-79
Author(s):  
Paul Jones
Keyword(s):  
Built Environment ◽  
Architectural Design ◽  
The Political ◽  
Social Meaning ◽  
Architectural Production ◽  
Crystal Palace ◽  
Nation States ◽  
Cultural Orientations ◽  
The Social ◽  
Ways Of Being

Architecture is inextricably entangled with time. Illustrating this point, the article explores two moments of architectural production centred on London in the mid-19th century: the ‘Battle of the Styles’, a struggle over the social meaning of historicist architectural design and its suitability for state-funded public buildings; and the proto-modernist Crystal Palace, which housed the Great Exhibition of 1851. While ostensibly involving different cultural orientations to pasts-presents-futures, both cases reflect how political claims can involve the mobilisation of temporalised architectural forms. The general contention is that architecture is a culturally experimental space through which nation-states and architects seek to orientate otherwise abstracted notions of temporality. While there is no straightforward or singular correspondence between temporality and architectural sites, the built environment is pushed and pulled by states’ politicised claims regarding time and temporality. Architecture always involves the materialisation of particular and partial visions of the world as is, as was, and as could be; temporal registers in the built environment involve the stabilisation of some ways of being and the displacement of others. The political basis of these processes can be illuminated sociologically.

The Rise and Fall of Marcha Verde in the Dominican Republic

2020 ◽  
Vol 47 (5) ◽  
pp. 20-34
Author(s):  
Emelio Betances
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Dominican Republic ◽  
Political History ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Sphere ◽  
Time To Build ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Way

The Marcha Verde movement emerged in 2017 to protest bribery on the part of the Brazilian transnational Odebrecht. It conducted 25 protests in the provinces and large marches in July 2017 and August 2018 but ultimately failed to force the government to try those responsible. As a movement for the democratization of democracy through the construction of citizens’ rights, it was a watershed moment in Dominican political history. However, it did not have time to build the social base that would have allowed it to challenge the authorities. The political parties that supported it were only interested in weakening the official party, and the electoral race intervened as the way to channel the movements’ demands, leaving the radicals alone in calling for a transformation of the political sphere. El movimiento Marcha Verde surgió en 2017 en protesta contra los sobornos efectuados por la transnacional brasileña Odebrecht. Aunque organizó 25 protestas en las provincias y grandes marchas en julio de 2017 y agosto de 2018, no logró forzar al gobierno a enjuiciar a los responsables. En tanto se trata de un movimiento para la democratización de la democracia a través de la construcción de los derechos ciudadanos, este fue un momento decisivo en la historia política dominicana. Sin embargo, no tuvo tiempo de construir la base social que le hubiera permitido desafiar a las autoridades. Los partidos políticos que lo apoyaron sólo estaban interesados en debilitar al partido oficial, y las elecciones que intervinieron en el proceso se convirtieron en la vía de canalización para las demandas del movimiento, dejando a los elementos radicales solos en su exigencia por una genuina transformación de la esfera política.

scholarly journals Bolivia Hoy: Rupturas, inercias y desafios

2011 ◽  
Vol 18 ◽  
pp. 23-48 ◽  
Author(s):  
Pablo Stefanoni
Keyword(s):  
Political History ◽  
The Political ◽  
The Novel ◽  
Social Equality ◽  
The Past ◽  
Constituent Assembly ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Government ◽  
Vague Objective ◽  
The Way

The arrival of Evo Morales to power in January of 2006 –supported with an unprecedent 54% of the votes– marked a milestone in Bolivian political history and opened the way to an ambitious project of re-foundation of the country. Those events were translated in the call for a Constituent Assembly and in the nationalization of hydrocarbons, within the framework of a strong “ruralización de la política”. More than five years of that one triumph has passed and after a re-election with 64% of the votes in December 2009 that consolidated the “evista” hegemonyhas declined.  Now the government faces a series of challenges tied to the effective materialization of the change proposed in the re-foundational speeches. This article analyses the novel experience of “Indians in the power” centered in the tension between the changes implemented and the inertias of the past in spheres such as the democratic radicalization, the social equality, the model of development, and the political project. All these themes affected by a powerful, and yet somehow vague objective: the decolonization of the country.La llegada de Evo Morales al poder en enero de 2006 ―avalado con un inédito 54% de los votos― marcó un punto de inflexión en la historia política boliviana y abrió paso a un ambicioso proyecto de refundación del país. Esos ejes se tradujeron en la convocatoria a una Asamblea Constituyente y en la nacionalización de los hidrocarburos, en el marco de una fuerte “ruralización de la política”.  A más de cinco años de aquel triunfo y luego de una reelección con el 64% en diciembre de 2009 que consolidó la hegemonía “evista”, el gobierno enfrenta una serie de retos vinculados a la materialización efectiva del cambio propuesto en los discursos refundacionales. En este artículo se analiza esta experiencia novedosa de “los indios en el poder” centrada en la tensión entre los cambios operados y las inercias del pasado en esferas como la radicalización democrática, la igualdad social, el modelo de desarrollo y el proyecto político. Temas todos ellos atravesados por un objetivo tan poderoso como por momentos impreciso: la descolonización del país.

scholarly journals The Diplomatic Burden of Pandemics: The Case of Malaria

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Benjamin Bagozzi ◽  
Ore Koren
Keyword(s):  
Policy Implications ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Ties ◽  
Nation States ◽  
Global Pandemic ◽  
Foreign Countries ◽  
The Social ◽  
Political Impact ◽  
Foreign Governments ◽  
The Many

The social and economic burdens of pandemics are becoming increasingly well-known. This paper seeks to gain a better understanding of this phenomena by assessing one highly prevalent global pandemic: malaria. It does so by evaluating malaria's burden on the political ties of nation-states, and on international relations more generally. We posit that malaria dissuades foreign countries from locating their envoys in malaria-affected states. As a consequence, a protracted pandemic has the potential to undermine the political ties of nation-states, as well as the many benefits of these connections. This argument is tested empirically using both directed-dyadic and monadic data. We find that malaria not only serves to discourage foreign governments from establishing diplomatic outposts, but also decreases the total diplomatic missions that a country receives. These findings thus have important policy implications, especially for developing states that seek to increase their global political impact while simultaneously combating persistent pandemics.

The Nationalism of the Vulnerable

2020 ◽  
pp. 127-141
Author(s):  
Yael Tamir
Keyword(s):  
Sense Of Self ◽  
The Political ◽  
National Narrative ◽  
Liberal Democratic ◽  
The Poor ◽  
Nation States ◽  
The Social ◽  
The World ◽  
Democratic Nation ◽  
State Of Affairs

This chapter queries why would the vulnerable adopt nationalism as their preferred strategy. It provides a detailed discussion about the economic crisis and crisis of identity. The chapter argues that the roots of this state of affairs are to be found somewhere at the very end of the last century — a growing sense of self-satisfaction led liberal democratic nation-states to passivity. The chapter also elaborates the significant change that happened in schools and academic institutions which were no longer called on to make and remake the national narrative but rather to be critical, open-minded, and pluralistic. It then shifts to review how the vulnerable found themselves at the bottom of the social heap after having lost their protected social status. It illustrates how the poor all over the world are stereotyped in similar ways. The chapter discusses the implications of the elimination of class from the social and the political discourse. It then examines the strong affinity between class and national choices.

Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document