The Illusion of Progress, 1956

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lawrence S. Kaplan
Keyword(s):  
Public Opinion ◽  
General Assembly ◽  
Free World ◽  
Incremental Approach ◽  
The Past ◽  
Wide Range ◽  
Un General Assembly ◽  
The U.S ◽  
Essential Support

Eisenhower’s reservations in December 1955 did not keep his special assistant from unveiling a new package of proposals in January 1956. As always, Stassen’s work was fast and thorough. He characterized the results as a compromise, although Dulles and the Joint Chiefs groused that they failed to find any evidence of it. His plan contained elements of both the incremental approach to disarmament that he and the president had advocated in the past and other, more extravagant ideas encompassing a wide range of steps toward disarmament. He believed that the UN General Assembly substantially endorsed his views. Stassen also justified his haste, noting that a delay “would cause a serious loss of US initiative.” Not surprisingly, he encountered the continuing hostility of Dulles, who “believed that adoption by the U.S. of the position which you recommend would not be sufficient to maintain for us our leadership in the free world coalition and to secure the essential support of world public opinion.”

Public Opinion and Public Policy: Heroin and Other Opioids

2017 ◽  
Vol 30 (8) ◽  
pp. 1163-1185 ◽  
Author(s):  
Amy Kyle Cook ◽  
Henry H. Brownstein
Keyword(s):  
Public Policy ◽  
Public Opinion ◽  
Public Support ◽  
Policy Implications ◽  
Prescription Opioid ◽  
General Assembly ◽  
Political Affiliation ◽  
Wide Range ◽  
Complicated Situation ◽  
Prescription Opioid Abuse

Virginia, much like other states, has experienced unprecedented rates of heroin and prescription opioid abuse, overdoses, and deaths. Given the wide range of competing voices concerning drug policy and the complicated situation of the contemporary opioid epidemic, this study examines whether public opinion is reflected in public policy toward illicit involvement with opioids. The 2016 Commonwealth Public Policy Survey, a statewide representative sample of 1,000 Virginia residents, found that Virginians are supportive of treatment over arrest for heroin and prescription pill abusers and factors such as race, education, and political affiliation are predictive of support for treatment over arrest. More importantly, the results of this poll converge with legislative policies of the 2017 General Assembly, supporting the notion that public support can have an influence on the policymaking process. Policy implications are discussed.

Equity in Arbitration and in Judicial Settlement of Disputes

1993 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 323-329 ◽  
Author(s):  
Judge Manfred Lachs
Keyword(s):  
International Law ◽  
General Assembly ◽  
Type I ◽  
International Courts ◽  
The Past ◽  
Un General Assembly ◽  
Similarities And Differences ◽  
Settlement Of Disputes ◽  
Recommended Action

Much has been written on the similarities and differences between arbitration tribunals and international courts; much more could and will certainly be written in the future. The purpose of my comments is to define similarities and differences in regard to the role of equity in both. However, I hope to enter the caveat at the very outset that in this paper I will focus solely on the role of equity in cases where the decision is to be based on international law. Accordingly, I will not here discuss cases of the type I had in mind when I pointed out in a speech delivered 34 years ago to the Legal Committee of the UN General Assembly that “[t]he arbitral solution has been applied in the past to a variety of problems, some of which were not judicial in character and did not raise issues of law”. Nor will I now discuss arbitrations in which the parties have agreed that the arbitrators need not be guided by law, or where the arbitral tribunal is expressly authorized by the parties to decide ex aequo et bono and thereby to settle the matter in a liberal spirit without regard to legal requirements and technicalities. Thus, cases in which the arbitrators have been empowered to seek mutual accommodations that would give offense to neither party are outside the scope of this discussion, as are cases where arbitrators recommended action by one of the parties as an act of grace.

Big Rewards for the Small Screen

Cold War II ◽  
2020 ◽  
pp. 49-69
Author(s):  
Helena Goscilo
Keyword(s):  
General Assembly ◽  
The Political ◽  
The Moon ◽  
The Us ◽  
Un General Assembly ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
The U.S ◽  
Small Screen ◽  
Key Questions

President John Kennedy’s suggestion to the UN General Assembly that the U.S. and the USSR embark on a joint expedition to the moon adumbrated the appearance of a highly successful American TV series: NBC’s Man from U.N.C.L.E (1964-68). What, one may ask, prompted the successful British director Guy Ritchie in 2015, when relations between Russia and the US were (and remain) at a nadir, to reprise/revamp the 1960s series in a film with the same title? To what extent does Ritchie’s film revise the earlier situation and the symbiosis between the two spies from the 1960s, even as he recreates that period? Does the film reflect the political tensions of the 1960s or of the 2010s–or both? These constitute some of the key questions that the chapter addresses in a comparative, politically contextualized analysis of The Man from U.N.C.L.E on the small and big screens.

The Dimensionality of Parliamentary Voting

2019 ◽  
pp. 838-852
Author(s):  
Keith T. Poole
Keyword(s):  
House Of Representatives ◽  
General Assembly ◽  
Roll Call ◽  
Berlin Wall ◽  
Dimensional Representation ◽  
National Assembly ◽  
One Dimensional ◽  
Technical Issues ◽  
Un General Assembly ◽  
The U.S

The chapter discusses different ways to estimate the dimensionality of roll-call voting data. These methods use data from the U.S. House of Representatives, and the author shows that there were periods when a two-dimensional representation was necessary and others when a one-dimensional representation captures all but a relatively small percentage of the variance. The author then considers data from the UN General Assembly from before the fall of the Berlin Wall, finding a communist vs. anti-communist dimension and a pro- and anti-Israel dimension, as well as data from the French National Assembly early in the 5th Republic that finds a one-dimensional representation fits nearly perfectly. The author then considers some more technical issues about best methods, concluding that there is no foolproof way of determining the “true” dimensionality of a roll-call matrix, and no substitute for substantive understanding of the politics and policy shaping the roll calls.

“I Will Bless Those Who Bless You”: Evangelicalism and Support for Israel in Latin America

2021 ◽  
pp. 1-21
Author(s):  
Tom Ziv
Keyword(s):  
Latin America ◽  
Public Opinion ◽  
Political Science ◽  
Latin American ◽  
Armed Conflict ◽  
General Assembly ◽  
Un General Assembly ◽  
Evangelical Movement ◽  
Latin American Countries ◽  
Cross National

Abstract The relations of the Evangelical movement and Israel have drawn the attention of many scholars of religion, public opinion, and political science in the last two decades. This study examines the influence of Evangelicals on their country's policy toward Israel. I conduct the first quantitative, cross-national research, investigating the links between the size of the Evangelical population of a country and its support for Israel. Analyzing 198 UN General Assembly votes of 18 Latin American countries from 2009 to 2019, my results show that as the Evangelical population in a country grows, so does its support for Israel. Unpredictably, I also find that a state of armed conflict between Israel and the Palestinians does not decrease the support for Israel.

scholarly journals Fluctuating Anti-Americanism and the Korea-U.S. Alliance

2004 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 23-40
Author(s):  
Nae-Young Lee ◽  
Han Wool Jeong
Keyword(s):  
Public Opinion ◽  
South Korea ◽  
Survey Data ◽  
North Korea ◽  
Public Attitude ◽  
Security Threats ◽  
The Past ◽  
The Future ◽  
Opinion Polls ◽  
The U.S

Rising anti-Americanism in the winter of 2002 despite the increasing security threats from North Korea, has led some to call the situation a crisis in the ROK-U.S. alliance. However, the opinion polls from June 2003 and February 2004 show that anti-Americanism in South Korea has substantially waned The main aim of this paper is to examine whether the recent wave of anti-Americanism has the content and intensity to threaten the legitimacy of the ROK-U.S. alliance. By analyzing the changes in public attitude and perception towards the U.S. over the past two years based on three survey data, this paper argues that anti-Americanism in South Korea has not posed any real threat to the alliance. However, the polarized public opinion towards the U.S. remains a potentially serious threat to the future of the ROK-U.S. alliance.

Survey of Declarations or Statements Made by the Parties to the Law of the Sea Convention: 30 Years after Adoption

2013 ◽  
Vol 28 (1) ◽  
pp. 5-59
Author(s):  
Yann-huei Song
Keyword(s):  
United Nations ◽  
Law Of The Sea ◽  
General Assembly ◽  
The Past ◽  
Geographical Regions ◽  
Un General Assembly ◽  
United Nations Convention ◽  
Consultative Process ◽  
The United Nations ◽  
The Law

Abstract This article surveys the declarations or statements made by the States or entities under Articles 287, 298, and 310 of the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea over the past thirty years when they signed, ratified, or acceded to the LOS Convention, or at any time thereafter, with regard to the interpretation and application of certain provisions contained in the Convention. This study shows that differences regarding the interpretation or application of the provisions of the Convention can be found in the declarations and statements made by States located in different geographical regions. The author suggests that a possible way to amend the Convention is to include an item for discussion in the agenda of future meetings of the UN General Assembly, the UN Open-ended Informal Consultative Process on Oceans and the Law of the Sea, or State Parties to the Convention.

The United Nations and Antarctica, 2002: ‘constructive engagement’ between the Antarctic Treaty System and the United Nations

Polar Record ◽  
2003 ◽  
Vol 39 (3) ◽  
pp. 231-238 ◽  
Author(s):  
Peter J. Beck
Keyword(s):  
United Nations ◽  
General Assembly ◽  
The Past ◽  
Draft Resolution ◽  
Antarctic Treaty ◽  
Un General Assembly ◽  
The United Nations ◽  
Constructive Engagement ◽  
The Antarctic ◽  
Antarctic Treaty System

At the close of 2002, the United Nations (UN), acting in accordance with its 1999 resolution A54/45, returned to the ‘Question of Antarctica,’ which is currently being placed upon the agenda of the General Assembly's First Committee (Disarmament and International Security) every three years. In 2002, the First Committee's discussions, informed yet again by a report produced by the UN Secretary-General (UNSG) updating members about recent Antarctic developments, reaffirmed the varying perspectives existing within the international community about the management of Antarctica. Following statements delivered by the Polish delegate on behalf of the Antarctic Treaty Parties (ATPs) and the Malaysian representative, the First Committee adopted another consensus draft resolution. Subsequently, the UN General Assembly, acting by consensus without a vote, formally adopted the First Committee's draft as resolution A57/51, which basically updated the wording of that adopted in 1999. Thus, the UNSG was instructed to produce another report to guide the next UN session on the ‘Question of Antarctica’ scheduled for 2005. Although the UN discussions on the topic in 2002 proved relatively brief and low key, the actions of Malaysia during the past year or so have raised a number of questions about the future course of the ‘Question of Antarctica,’ given its lead role in first raising the topic at the UN in 1983 and then maintaining pressure upon the Antarctic Treaty System.

scholarly journals United States Creates the U.S. Space Command and the U.S. Space Force to Strengthen Military Capabilities in Space

2020 ◽  
Vol 114 (2) ◽  
pp. 323-326
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
International Law ◽  
Armed Forces ◽  
The United States ◽  
General Assembly ◽  
National Defense ◽  
Un General Assembly ◽  
The U.S

President Trump first announced his plans for increasing U.S. military capabilities in space in 2018. In August 2019, his administration created the United States Space Command. With the passage in December 2019 of the 2020 National Defense Authorization Act, the United States established the United States Space Force as a new branch of the armed forces. These developments do not directly implicate international law, but they reflect a growing divergence between the U.S. approach to space and that taken by the UN General Assembly.

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