“We’ll Have No Race Trouble Here”

Author(s):  
Jason Jordan

In the fall of 1940 black Memphians experienced a prolonged campaign of harassment, mass arrests, and violence at the hands of Memphis police known as the “Reign of Terror.” These actions were carried out under the direction of local political boss E. H. Crump as more black Memphians, tiring of Crump’s iron-fisted rule, backed candidates that promised to move away from the “plantation mentality” of Crump’s regime. While systematically suppressing local black political organizing, Crump offered public praise, token benefits, and a respite from legal action to black community leaders who were willing to rebuke other “agitators” within the black population. As a result, some blacks capitulated to Crump’s demands with the hopes of earning some small amount of favor, while others struggled to resist the might of the Crump machine. This essay argues that this particular moment in Memphis history made concrete a deep intraracial divide within its black activist community, delaying by decades any real chance to change the city’s racial status quo.

2013 ◽  
Vol 7 (3) ◽  
pp. 302-312 ◽  
Author(s):  
Danielle J. Laborde ◽  
Kathryn Magruder ◽  
Joanne Caye ◽  
Theodore Parrish

AbstractObjectivesTo test the feasibility of developing evidence-based mental health training to build capacity to respond to natural disasters in black communities and the adaptation of a train-the-trainer (TTT) model for black community leaders and clinical providers in distressed areas at risk of natural disasters.MethodsA core curriculum was developed based on a training needs assessment and resource review. Participants were recruited using network sampling in eastern North Carolina. The core curriculum was tested for usability, revised, and then pilot tested among five mental health providers. Three of the five were trained to lead one-day workshops tailored for black community leaders and clinical providers. Process data were collected, and workshop participants completed posttraining knowledge tests, evaluation forms, and debriefing focus groups.ResultsTen providers and 13 community leaders pilot tested the training. Posttest knowledge scores were generally higher among clinical providers. Perceived effectiveness of training was higher among community-based organization leaders than clinical providers. Evaluations indicated that the workshop components were culturally relevant and well received by all participants. We identified ways to facilitate recruitment, provide optional e-learning, evaluate effectiveness, and extend trainer support in future field trials.ConclusionThe curriculum and TTT model provide culturally competent disaster mental health preparedness training for black communities. (Disaster Med Public Health Preparedness. 2013;7:302-312)


2018 ◽  
Vol 53 (2) ◽  
pp. 286-302 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marc Lamont Hill

In this article, I examine the role of Black Twitter as a “digital counterpublic” that enables critical pedagogy, political organizing, and both symbolic and material forms of resistance to anti-Black state violence within the United States. Focusing primarily on post-Ferguson events, I spotlight the ways that Black people have used Black Twitter and other digital counterpublics to engage in forms of pedagogy that reorganize relations of surveillance, reject rigid respectability politics, and contest the erasure of marginalized groups within the Black community.


Author(s):  
Brandon K. Winford

Chapter 2 pivots away from NC Mutual by more closely examining M&F Bank after its establishment and its survival amid the catastrophic collapse that precipitated the Great Depression decade. The chapter argues that because M&F Bank followed an ethos that engendered a deep commitment to the overall prosperity of the black community, it was in a much better position than most black-owned banks to advocate a return to political participation for the black community. In this way, Durham’s black businesspeople served as stalwart community leaders, which provided a training ground for a younger cadre of well-educated and ready activists. Moreover, they embraced a multidimensional strategy of reciprocity—complicated by gender, class, and intergenerational tensions.


Imbizo ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 50-60
Author(s):  
Ephraim Vhutuza ◽  
Urther Rwafa

This paper discusses the state-) citizen contestations in Zimbabwe and examines the role of theatre in legitimising and/or resisting state hegemonies in the context of the post 2000 Zimbabwean cultural struggle. Using the theory of hegemony, the paper argues that, after ) the repossession of land by the majority of the black population in 2000 and the constitutional referendum held in February 2000, whose “No” vote challenged the hegemonic discourses and patriotic history of the ruling ZANU PF party, what followed was a largely polarised society split between the pro-hegemonic civic society such as ZNLWA on one hand, and an equally vociferous anti-hegemonic civic society that supported the ruling cultural formations (Raftopoulos and Mlambo 2009; Ravengai 2008). The pro-hegemonic(agree) civic society sought to stabilise and legitimise state authority and its discourses on sovereignty, land reform and the removal of sanctions, while counter-state hegemonic actors such as ZimRights agitated for the respect of human rights, constitutionalism and democracy. Individual theatre practitioners took a cue from these opposing civic society bodies and critically dialogued among themselves, thereby creating some form of binaries characterised by those who also sought to stabilise and maintain the prevailing status quo on one hand, and those that resisted and questioned the legitimacy of the prevailing hegemonies on other hand. In this paper, the polarised state of the theatre is represented by two opposing agitational propaganda performances, Madzoka Zimbabwe and The Coup.


2019 ◽  
Vol 34 (1) ◽  
pp. 49-82
Author(s):  
Jeroen Dewulf

Abstract Since the slave population in New Netherland (1614–1664) was small compared to that of other Dutch Atlantic colonies such as Curaçao, Dutch Brazil, and Suriname, it has traditionally received little attention by scholars, including creolists. It is, therefore, not well known that traces of Iberian languages can be found among the black population of seventeenth-century Manhattan. While the paucity of sources does not allow us to make any decisive claims with regard to the importance of Spanish and Portuguese for the colony’s black community, this article attempts to reconstruct the language use of this population group on the basis of an analysis of historical sources from New Netherland in a broader Atlantic context.


1980 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 79-85
Author(s):  
Mark A. Quinones ◽  
James Foster ◽  
Kathleen M. Doyle ◽  
Alex Wysession

Social conflict theory is used as the framework in which the controversy surrounding the establishment of a medical/dental school complex in the heart of the black community of Newark, New Jersey, is examined. The roles of community leaders, medical/dental professionals and state and federal officials are scrutinized. The implications of the outcome of the struggle for understanding conflict theory as a health educational tool are discussed.


Author(s):  
Paul J. Polgar

An admixture of free black community leaders, elite white Americans, Quaker activists, and unfree black laborers would seem to make for a strange set of allies and a disjointed reform movement. Yet this mix of historical actors firmly committed themselves to the idea of antislavery progress; or the belief that, through the agency of reformers, the trajectory of post-Revolutionary and early national America would lead toward emancipation, black uplift, and the dissolution of white prejudice. While first movement abolitionists coalesced around the idea of antislavery progress, the many obstacles they faced informed the shape and scope of their activism. For one, slavery in the Mid-Atlantic was based on racial oppression and longstanding white prejudice toward people of color, facts that would continually haunt the efforts of first movement abolitionists. Second, the American Revolution, which influenced and gave broader purchase to opposing slavery, also made abolitionism problematic. Thus, if the idea of antislavery progress informed the ethos of first movement abolitionists, the roadblocks detailed in this chapter to emancipation galvanized them into action.


Author(s):  
Sven Schneider ◽  
Katharina Diehl ◽  
Christina Bock ◽  
Raphael M. Herr ◽  
Manfred Mayer ◽  
...  

Zielsetzung: Die Hausarztpraxis gilt als ideales Setting für die Tabakentwöhnung. Die bundesweite „ÄSP-kardio-Studie“ liefert aktuelle Daten zum Status quo der Tabakentwöhnung nach der „5 A-Strategie“ in deutschen Hausarztpraxen. Methodik: Zwischen 10/2011 und 03/2012 wurden über 4.000 Hausärzte repräsentativ befragt. Der Fragebogen wurde vorab einem Expert Review unterzogen, durch kognitive Interviews validiert und in einer Pilotstudie getestet. Ergebnisse: Routinemäßig erfassten 89 % der Hausärzte etwaigen Tabakkonsum („Assess“), 82 % rieten Rauchern zu einem Rauchstopp („Advise“) und 12 % vereinbarten schriftliche Ziele einer Entwöhnung („Agree“). Hilfestellungen („Assist“) in Form einer Kurzintervention fanden mit 72 % deutlich häufiger statt als in Form von Informationsmaterial (33 %) oder einer Entwöhnungstherapie (27 %). Etwa die Hälfte (54 %) vereinbarte Folgetermine zur Überprüfung des Rauchstopps („Arrange“). Das Angebot war von arzt-, praxis- sowie patientenspezifischen Faktoren abhängig und in den nordöstlichen Bundesländern unterdurchschnittlich. Acht von 10 Hausärzten (77 %) bewerteten ihre Maßnahmen als nicht erfolgreich. Schlussfolgerungen: Deutlich wird die suboptimale und ungleich verteilte Versorgung von Rauchern mit angemessenen Entwöhnungsmaßnahmen in deutschen Hausarztpraxen.


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