9. Ally to Win: Black Community Leaders and SEIU’s L. A. Security Unionization Campaign

2017 ◽  
pp. 167-190
2013 ◽  
Vol 7 (3) ◽  
pp. 302-312 ◽  
Author(s):  
Danielle J. Laborde ◽  
Kathryn Magruder ◽  
Joanne Caye ◽  
Theodore Parrish

AbstractObjectivesTo test the feasibility of developing evidence-based mental health training to build capacity to respond to natural disasters in black communities and the adaptation of a train-the-trainer (TTT) model for black community leaders and clinical providers in distressed areas at risk of natural disasters.MethodsA core curriculum was developed based on a training needs assessment and resource review. Participants were recruited using network sampling in eastern North Carolina. The core curriculum was tested for usability, revised, and then pilot tested among five mental health providers. Three of the five were trained to lead one-day workshops tailored for black community leaders and clinical providers. Process data were collected, and workshop participants completed posttraining knowledge tests, evaluation forms, and debriefing focus groups.ResultsTen providers and 13 community leaders pilot tested the training. Posttest knowledge scores were generally higher among clinical providers. Perceived effectiveness of training was higher among community-based organization leaders than clinical providers. Evaluations indicated that the workshop components were culturally relevant and well received by all participants. We identified ways to facilitate recruitment, provide optional e-learning, evaluate effectiveness, and extend trainer support in future field trials.ConclusionThe curriculum and TTT model provide culturally competent disaster mental health preparedness training for black communities. (Disaster Med Public Health Preparedness. 2013;7:302-312)


Author(s):  
Brandon K. Winford

Chapter 2 pivots away from NC Mutual by more closely examining M&F Bank after its establishment and its survival amid the catastrophic collapse that precipitated the Great Depression decade. The chapter argues that because M&F Bank followed an ethos that engendered a deep commitment to the overall prosperity of the black community, it was in a much better position than most black-owned banks to advocate a return to political participation for the black community. In this way, Durham’s black businesspeople served as stalwart community leaders, which provided a training ground for a younger cadre of well-educated and ready activists. Moreover, they embraced a multidimensional strategy of reciprocity—complicated by gender, class, and intergenerational tensions.


1980 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 79-85
Author(s):  
Mark A. Quinones ◽  
James Foster ◽  
Kathleen M. Doyle ◽  
Alex Wysession

Social conflict theory is used as the framework in which the controversy surrounding the establishment of a medical/dental school complex in the heart of the black community of Newark, New Jersey, is examined. The roles of community leaders, medical/dental professionals and state and federal officials are scrutinized. The implications of the outcome of the struggle for understanding conflict theory as a health educational tool are discussed.


Author(s):  
Jason Jordan

In the fall of 1940 black Memphians experienced a prolonged campaign of harassment, mass arrests, and violence at the hands of Memphis police known as the “Reign of Terror.” These actions were carried out under the direction of local political boss E. H. Crump as more black Memphians, tiring of Crump’s iron-fisted rule, backed candidates that promised to move away from the “plantation mentality” of Crump’s regime. While systematically suppressing local black political organizing, Crump offered public praise, token benefits, and a respite from legal action to black community leaders who were willing to rebuke other “agitators” within the black population. As a result, some blacks capitulated to Crump’s demands with the hopes of earning some small amount of favor, while others struggled to resist the might of the Crump machine. This essay argues that this particular moment in Memphis history made concrete a deep intraracial divide within its black activist community, delaying by decades any real chance to change the city’s racial status quo.


Author(s):  
Paul J. Polgar

An admixture of free black community leaders, elite white Americans, Quaker activists, and unfree black laborers would seem to make for a strange set of allies and a disjointed reform movement. Yet this mix of historical actors firmly committed themselves to the idea of antislavery progress; or the belief that, through the agency of reformers, the trajectory of post-Revolutionary and early national America would lead toward emancipation, black uplift, and the dissolution of white prejudice. While first movement abolitionists coalesced around the idea of antislavery progress, the many obstacles they faced informed the shape and scope of their activism. For one, slavery in the Mid-Atlantic was based on racial oppression and longstanding white prejudice toward people of color, facts that would continually haunt the efforts of first movement abolitionists. Second, the American Revolution, which influenced and gave broader purchase to opposing slavery, also made abolitionism problematic. Thus, if the idea of antislavery progress informed the ethos of first movement abolitionists, the roadblocks detailed in this chapter to emancipation galvanized them into action.


1976 ◽  
Vol 21 (7) ◽  
pp. 501-502
Author(s):  
OSCAR A. BARBARIN

Author(s):  
Natasha Thomas-Jackson

RAISE IT UP! Youth Arts and Awareness (RIU) is an organization that promotes youth engagement, expression, and empowerment through the use of performance and literary arts and social justice activism. We envision a world where youth are fully recognized, valued, and supported as artist-activists and emerging thought leaders, working to create a world that is just, intersectional, and inclusive. Two fundamental tenets shape RIU’s policies, practices, and pedagogy. The first is that creative self-expression and culture making are powerful tools for personal and social transformation. The second is that social justice is truly possible only if and when we are willing to have transparent and authentic conversations about the oppression children experience at the hands of the adults in their lives. We are committed to amplifying youth voices and leadership and building cross-generational solidarity among people of all ages, particularly those impacted by marginalization. Though RIU is focused on and driven by the youth, a large part of our work includes helping adult family members, educators, and community leaders understand the ways in which systemic oppression shapes our perceptions of and interactions with the young people in our homes, neighborhoods, institutions, and decision-making bodies.


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