Epilogue

2018 ◽  
pp. 197-208
Author(s):  
Robert L. Fuller
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
The United States ◽  
Heads Of State

Despite discord and mutual hostility between the heads of state of France and the United States, French officials worked easily with American officers, who generally proved accommodating to the French, when possible. Some problems defied resolution and had to be managed by these officers and officials to the best of their abilities. The reservoirs of goodwill on both sides made winning the war and restoring normality to France easier for all involved. Relations between GIs and average French citizens, however, did not reveal the same level of accord. Battle-weary and bored GIs too often behaved like bad guests. By VE Day, American soldiers were tired of being in France and wanted to go home; French attitudes mirrored those of the Americans. Levels of indiscipline reached new lows when GIs gathered in France to ship out.

scholarly journals Commanders-in-chief beyond the border: analysing the powers of heads of state in Northern American federalism

2017 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 94-127
Author(s):  
Tiago de Melo Cartaxo
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
United States Of America ◽  
Cultural Influences ◽  
The United States ◽  
Founding Fathers ◽  
Head Of State ◽  
Constitutional System ◽  
Heads Of State ◽  
American Federalism

Abstract Canada and the United States of America are examples of how two constitutional systems in the same region may adopt substantially different solutions in respect of the powers of the head of state. While the United States Founding Fathers opted to follow a republican and presidential path, the Canadian constitutional system developed a framework under the British monarchic background, in part as a rejection of their neighbour country’s federal and constitutional choices. This article proceeds with a comparison between both systems of Northern America, demonstrating that the powers of heads of state may vary, even between countries which were historically influenced by the same constitutional and democratic traditions, but, as a result of a multitude of historical and cultural influences, decided to follow different constitutional pathways.

“What Must Be the Answer of the United States to Such a Proposition?” Anarchist Exclusion and National Security in the United States, 1887–1903

2016 ◽  
Vol 50 (2) ◽  
pp. 347-376
Author(s):  
ALEXANDER NOONAN
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
National Security ◽  
Immigration Policy ◽  
Civil Liberties ◽  
The United States ◽  
Political Dissent ◽  
Immigration Control ◽  
Political Beliefs ◽  
Heads Of State ◽  
Scholarly Discourse

This article examines the debates around anarchist restriction that shaped the eventual passage of the Immigration Act of 1903 and argues that domestically oriented conceptions of national security are both challenged and constituted by transnational and international processes and currents. While discussions of transnational immigration control became important features of both scholarly discourse and popular debate in the wake of the terrorist attacks of 2001, these discussions were not new. Similar debates about immigration policy, security, and civil liberties shaped discussions between the mid-1880s and early 1900s, when an unprecedented wave of attacks against heads of state fed rumors of wide-ranging conspiracies, and reports of anarchist outrages in cities far and wide spread fear. Anarchist exclusion was far more than an example of a rising nativist tide raising all boats and excluding a widening spectrum of undesirable aliens. Such measures set the foundation for restriction based on political beliefs and associations that, over subsequent decades, would become critical to suppressing political dissent. Consequently, understanding how the fear of anarchist violence helped shape the contours of the domestic and diplomatic debates over anarchist restriction is critical as these old questions of transnational immigration control reemerge.

scholarly journals Twitter Discourse Analysis of US President Donald Trump

2020 ◽  
Vol 2 ◽  
pp. 67-75
Author(s):  
Tanase Tasente
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Social Media ◽  
Political Communication ◽  
United States Of America ◽  
Performance Indicators ◽  
Mass Communication ◽  
The United States ◽  
Online Environment ◽  
Donald Trump ◽  
Heads Of State

Twitter has become a very powerful channel of political communication in recent years, many times overtaking, along with Facebook, traditional channels of mass communication, such as: TV, radio or newspapers. More then 500 million tweets are sent every day (5,787 tweets every second), and 326 million people use Twitter every month, even if there are 1.3 billion Twitter accounts. From the perspective of political communication, Twitter is ahead of Facebook, according to a study conducted in 2018 by Twiplomacy, which shows that 187 governments and heads of state maintain an official presence on Twitter. This mechanism of mass communication has benefited the politicians, especially those in the United States of America, who have generated a unique phenomenon in political communication: creating a map on polarization in the online environment.. This study focused on analyzing the Key Performance Indicators (KPIs) that facilitate Twitter Communication of Donald Trump, the President of United States of America (number of followers, types of tweets, engagement rate and interaction rate etc.) and analyzing Donald Trump's Twitter speech and identify the most commonly used expressions in Social Media during the term of President.  The monitoring period is 22.01.2019 - 16.08.2019.

scholarly journals U.S. Department of Justice Indicts Venezuelan Leader Nicolás Maduro on Narcotrafficking Charges

2020 ◽  
Vol 114 (3) ◽  
pp. 511-518
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
New York ◽  
Attorney General ◽  
Armed Forces ◽  
The United States ◽  
Department Of Justice ◽  
State Immunity ◽  
Head Of State ◽  
Southern District ◽  
Heads Of State

On March 26, 2020, the U.S. Department of Justice (DOJ) announced the indictment of Venezuelan leader Nicolás Maduro, along with fourteen current and former regime officials, on charges mostly related to drug trafficking. Specifically, an indictment unsealed in the Southern District of New York charges Maduro with leading the Venezuelan narcotrafficking group Cártel de Los Soles and conspiring with the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia—People's Army (FARC) guerilla group to “‘flood’ the United States with cocaine” and “us[e] cocaine as a weapon against America.” Although the United States, consistent with international law, normally treats sitting heads of state as immune from prosecution, U.S. Attorney General Barr indicated that Maduro did not qualify for head-of-state immunity because the United States does not recognize him as the president of Venezuela. Instead, the United States and fifty-seven other countries recognize Interim President Juan Guaidó. The indictment may mark a shift in the broader U.S. policy toward Venezuela, which had largely relied on targeted sanctions against key Maduro allies to encourage defection.

scholarly journals The Digital Divide in the United States and Worldwide

10.28945/2404 ◽  
2001 ◽  
Author(s):  
Janice C. Sipior ◽  
Burke T Ward ◽  
Joanna Z. Marzec
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Digital Divide ◽  
Information Technologies ◽  
Geographic Location ◽  
The United States ◽  
Tax Relief ◽  
New Information ◽  
Global Initiative ◽  
Heads Of State ◽  
Government Legislation

The Digital Divide has been defined as a gap between those with access to new information technologies and those without. The term is also used to characterize the disparity between those who can effectively use information technology and those who cannot. This paper explores the digital divide within the United States (U.S.) and worldwide. Factors contributing to the widening of the gap are identified, including differences in income, age, education, race, household type, and geographic location. In an effort to reduce the Digital Divide, initiatives have been undertaken, such as promoting increased competition to reduce equipment and internet connection costs and U.S. government legislation to provide incentives such as tax relief to Internet providers serving specific geographic areas, and the global initiative by the G- 8 Heads of State to help coordinate worldwide government efforts in closing the Digital Divide.

Camp David and Beyond: A View From the Third World

Worldview ◽  
1980 ◽  
Vol 23 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 40-41
Author(s):  
Mowahid H. Shah
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Third World ◽  
The United States ◽  
Fidel Castro ◽  
The Third ◽  
International Environment ◽  
Heads Of State ◽  
The Third World ◽  
Independence Movements ◽  
Camp David Accords

AbstractOn the heels of Andrew Young's departure from the United Nations amid much publicity concerning U»S. failure to involve the Palestinians in Middle East negotiations, heads of state and representatives from ninety-two countries and three independence movements convened at the Sixth Summit Conference of Non-Aligned Nations hosted by Dr. Fidel Castro at Havana, Cuba.The Havana Declaration of September, 1979, adopted by the Non-Aligned Conference—perhaps the most powerful of Third World forums—censured the Camp David accords as a U.S. attempt to “obtain partial solutions that are favorable to Zionist aims and underwrite the gains of Israeli aggression at the expense of the Palestinian people.” In an international environment in which the United States increasingly finds itself in the minority on the majority of world issues, Third World attitudes toward the Camp David accords—of which the Havana Declaration is but the latest evidence—merit serious consideration.

The Third World Capital in the Balkans

2021 ◽  
pp. 305-310
Author(s):  
William Klinger ◽  
Denis Kuljiš
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Third World ◽  
The United States ◽  
Orthodox Church ◽  
Peaceful Coexistence ◽  
The Balkans ◽  
The Third ◽  
Nikita Khrushchev ◽  
Heads Of State ◽  
The Third World

This chapter talks about the First Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non-aligned Countries that took place in Belgrade in September 1961. It cites the Non-aligned Movement (NAM), which underlines an active and peaceful approach as something more than mere neutralism of the countries outside the global military and political blocs. It also mentions Michael Makarios III, the primate of the autocephalous Orthodox Church of Cyprus, who attended the conference. The chapter explains how the United States was forced to make aggressive moves to compensate for a non-existent weakness that was imposed on the American public by Nikita Khrushchev, who was aware he was lagging behind in the armament race. It discusses the mutual intimidation that threatened the peaceful coexistence between Moscow and the United States, which was good for Tito as the eternal mediator balancing between the big powers.

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