On the Perimeter of Two Freedom Struggles, 1930–1936

2020 ◽  
pp. 127-158
Author(s):  
Kimberly D. Hill

This chapter analyzes international power struggles during the final years of the Edmistons’ joint ministry. It shows that African Presbyterian leaders gained more authority within the American Presbyterian Congo Mission during the early 1930s in part because of lingering fears about Pan-Africanism and African American civil rights activism. Changes in the authority of African pastors are shown through Congo Mission committee meeting records that describe numerous conflicts between certain pastors and Alonzo Edmiston. The records indicate declining administrative support for Edmiston while his affiliation with Belgian colonial government officials increased. The incidents of isolation and segregation that Edmiston and Brown experienced during these years are compared to the contemporary racial segregation in the couple’s home base of Selma, Alabama. Their personal and professional connections to early civil rights leaders in that city are analyzed through a description of the Edmistons’ final furlough.

2021 ◽  
Vol 90 (3) ◽  
pp. 377-398
Author(s):  
Casey D. Nichols

Starting in 1964, the U.S. federal government under President Lyndon Johnson passed an ambitious reform program that included social security, urban renewal, anti-poverty initiatives, and civil rights legislation. In cities like Los Angeles, these reforms fueled urban revitalization efforts in communities affected by economic decline. These reforms closed the gap between local residents and government officials in California and even subsequently brought the city’s African American and Mexican American population into greater political proximity. Looking closely at the impact of the Chicano Movement on the Model Cities Program, a federal initiative designed specifically for urban development and renewal, this article brings the role of U.S. government policy in shaping social justice priorities in Los Angeles, and the U.S. Southwest more broadly, into sharper view.


Social Forces ◽  
2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Martin Ruef

Abstract Social demographers and historians have devoted extensive research to patterns of racial segregation that emerged under Jim Crow and during the post-Civil Rights era but have paid less attention to the role of slavery in shaping the residential distribution of Black populations in the United States. One guiding assumption has been that slavery rendered racial segregation to be both unnecessary and impractical. In this study, I argue that apart from the master–slave relationship, slavery relentlessly produced racial segregation during the antebellum period through the residential isolation of slaves and free people of color. To explain this pattern, I draw on racial threat theory to test hypotheses regarding interracial economic competition and fear of slave mobilization using data from the 1850 Census, as well as an architectural survey of antebellum sites. Findings suggest that the residential segregation of free people of color increased with their local prevalence, whereas the segregation of slaves increased with the prevalence of the slave population. These patterns continue to hold after controlling for interracial competition over land or jobs and past slave rebellions or conspiracies.


Author(s):  
Jerry Gershenhorn

During the twentieth century, black journalists played an essential role in the struggle for equal rights in America. Operating in the racially oppressive South, determined black publishers, editors, and journalists illuminated racial discrimination, while advocating black voter registration and equal educational opportunity. Austin, who edited and published the Carolina Times from 1927 to 1971, was one of the most fearless and effective of these journalists. He boldly challenged white supremacy and racial segregation for over four decades, from the years prior to World War II through the modern civil rights era.


1997 ◽  
Vol 38 (3) ◽  
pp. 459-478 ◽  
Author(s):  
ALLISTER E. HINDS

This paper examines the role of the imperial and colonial governments in the formulation of policy towards the Nigerian palm oil export industry between 1939 and 1949. It argues that for most of the war years colonial officials in Nigeria accepted that metropolitan needs and conditions should dictate policy in the oil palm produce industry. However, towards the end of the war, they began to question whether policies centred around the requirements of the metropole would preserve the future competitiveness of the industry. Thereafter, they pressed for measures which gave priority to the problems and necessities of the local industry and the colonial economy. While colonial policy was sensitive to the concerns of imperial and local government officials, for most of the period under review it was reluctant, and on occasions, unable to accommodate the measures necessary to harmonize imperial and colonial goals. Consequently, the anticipated expansion in palm oil exports failed to materialize and the future competitiveness of the industry remained in doubt.This article fills an important void in the current literature on the Nigerian palm oil export industry. To date insufficient attention has been paid to the thinking within imperial and colonial government circles which underpinned the policies adopted in the industry during World War II and the early post-war years, and which led to the failure of policy makers to achieve their objectives. Moreover, the current literature ignores the vigorous debate between the Colonial Office and the Nigerian colonial government, and among colonial government officials, over the best means by which the needs of the local palm oil industry could be reconciled with the demands of the metropole, especially between 1942 and 1949.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ali Khangela Hlongwane

<p>This paper maps some of the notable influences on the evolution of Pan Africanism in South Africa with reference to the Pan Africanist Congress of Azania (PAC). It does so by exploring the history of the ideas of the PAC founded on the 6<sup>th</sup> of April in 1959. The interrelated questions explored are: Is there a tradition of Africanist thought intrinsically linked to the birth of the PAC as a liberation movement in South Africa? What are the lineages of the PAC’s intellectual traditions? Given the PAC’s short history as a legal political formation before it was banned in 1960, is there a tradition of ideas to reflect upon? What are the roots of these ideas, firstly, as manifest in there framing by liberation movements of the wars of resistance against colonial conquestas intrinsically linked to new 20<sup>th</sup> century struggles for national liberation? Secondly, how did these ideas manifest in the anti-colonial struggle’s further development or transmutation into early freedom struggles as articulated by the emergent African intelligentsia particularly after the Second World War? Thirdly, what was the influence on the PAC by other African independence struggles, particularly the independence of Ghana in 1957. And fourthly, is there a tradition of Africanist thought in the anti-colonial struggle’s global connections and the intricacies and challenges posed by the exile experiences of the PAC from 1960 to 1993.</p>


Author(s):  
Matthew L. Downs

Matthew Downs explores the impact of Sunbelt-era federal development and the response of civic and commercial leaders to the civil rights movement, demonstrating how local leaders worked closely with government officials to attract and maintain such installations and the accompanying public and private investment. When federal officials and their representatives in the city made clear that southern intransigence on civil rights would adversely affect the local, space-based economy, Huntsville’s civic leaders modulated their approach to civil rights in the hopes of ensuring continued support. Such action was particularly surprising, given the overtly hostile response to the movement by Alabama’s other local leaders and the state government. While Huntsville was not without conflict, the presence of the federal government, combined with the threat that southern resistance might lead to a withdrawal of federal support, led the city to a more moderate reaction when the city’s local movement pressured for equality.


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