Managing Fiscal Squeeze after the United States’ Panic of 1837

Author(s):  
Alasdair Roberts

In 1836–39, the United States suffered a financial sector collapse that plunged the nation into a severe economic depression. The revenues of state and federal governments evaporated, prompting legislators at both levels to undertake an extraordinary project of fiscal squeeze. By 1842, one-third of American states were in default on British loans. Meanwhile, the decline of federal revenues heightened partisanship and legislative gridlock in Washington. Strategies of managing fiscal squeeze shifted substantially during the crisis. By its end, many states had resumed payments on their debts, developed new methods of collecting taxes, and adopted constitutional changes restricting deficit financing. Meanwhile, federal politicians completed a painful renegotiation of federal tax policies and adopted a more pragmatic attitude about debt financing of federal expenditures. The effect of the crisis was to produce a transformation in the American constitutional order whose effects are still obvious today.

Author(s):  
Sara Zamir

The term “homeschooling” denotes the process of educating, instructing, and tutoring children by parents at home instead of having this done by professional teachers in formal settings. Although regulation and court rulings vary from one state to another, homeschooling is legal in all fifty American states. Contrary to the growing tendency of parents in the United States to move toward homeschooling in 1999-2012, the rate of homeschooling and the population of those educated in this manner appear to have leveled off in 2012–2016. This paper aims to explain both phenomena and asks whether a trend is at hand.


2016 ◽  
Vol 37 (3) ◽  
pp. 286-298 ◽  
Author(s):  
David L. Prytherch

Subdivision control has long been a central pillar of planning. Nonetheless, many American states statutorily exempt entire classes of land division from local subdivision control. This legal analysis therefore asks the following: Which land divisions are localities actually enabled by statute to regulate as “subdivisions”? Which are exempted from subdivision control? What are the implications for development and planning, particularly at the exurban fringe? This fifty-state review reveals diverse ways subdivisions are defined and particular divisions—involving no new streets, large parcels, or small numbers of lots—commonly exempted from regulation, and possible consequences for managing rural sprawl.


1951 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 140-147 ◽  
Author(s):  
Joseph Dorfman

There is a widespread impression among students of American financial history that, in the period immediately following the panic of 1837, American financiers engaged in sharp practices amounting to the wholesale deception of British bankers and European investors. This impression has been fostered especially in connection with the well-known episode of the partial or complete repudiation of state bonds by Arkansas, Illinois, Indiana, Mississippi, Louisiana, Michigan, and Florida in the 1840's. According to the charge, the large British bankers originally transacted business in the United States only through old and established bankers and agents. This enabled them to avoid the more speculative securities. Much of the distribution of bonds in England was done through three British firms, which were prominent in the merchant-banking business for the American trade: Thomas Wilson & Co., Timothy Wiggin & Co., and Geo. Wildes & Co.—popularly known as the 3 W's. A change for the worse occurred—so the charge runs—when these firms were forced to suspend payments because of the financial strain in England and the United States in 1837. After the resumption of specie payments in the United States the following year, a more speculative type of American banker, assisted by high-pressure salesmen who were sent to England, was prominent in financiering. These agents were so persuasive that they involved the British bankers in the wildest of schemes, and these bankers, in turn, disposed of American securities to equally innocent investors.


1966 ◽  
Vol 22 (4) ◽  
pp. 389-403 ◽  
Author(s):  
Richard B. Gray

Students of the life and writings of José Martí y Pérez (1853–1895), the National Hero of Cuba, will be forever indebted to the lifelong efforts of Marti’s close friend, fellow revolutionist, and “literary heir,” Gonzalo de Quesada y Aróstegui, and to those of his son, Gonzalo de Quesada y Miranda. Through painstaking research and editing they have preserved, over a period of nearly seventy years, the record of Martí’s prodigious writings as a revolutionist, journalist, novelist, dramatist, and poet. It is no exaggeration to say that most of the writing on this remarkable Cuban is derived from their carefully edited collections of his works. Gonzalo de Quesada y Aróstegui, as one of the architects of Cuban independence, Cuba’s first Minister to the United States, and major participant in the early International Conferences of American States, is deserving of special attention by scholars in the Americas. Now that a third official edition of Marti’s writings is nearing completion by Gonzalo de Quesada y Miranda in Cuba, a biographical and bibliographical sketch of the Quesadas, father and son, is in order.


Author(s):  
Denise Bielby ◽  
Kristen Bryant

Television was introduced as an experimental technology in the 1920s and 1930s in Europe, Asia, the former Soviet Union, and the Americas, but it was not until after World War II that it was widely adopted as a form of mass communication around the globe. Although television’s innovation and diffusion as a novel technology, establishment and growth as a communications industry, maturation and popularity, and specialization and diversification took decades to unfold, once it became widely publicly available, it quickly materialized as an essential venue for news, information, and entertainment. Television originated as a domestic industry overseen through a variety of national regulatory arrangements, making its transformation from a medium focused on local interests and concerns into an industry with a global reach all the more compelling. This transformation, which was enhanced by the introduction of cable, satellite, and Internet technology, was, in retrospect, influenced by the accomplishments of radio broadcasting, with its ability to transcend national borders and reach unanticipated audiences, and the expansiveness of the film industry, which from the earliest days of the studio system had cultivated an international export market to enhance revenue. In the case of the television industry, export was led by production companies seeking to recoup the costs of production under deficit financing arrangements with the networks and program sponsors. Early global exports were driven mainly by US production companies, and although the United States remains dominant in the sale of finished products, a vast number of nations, production companies, and networks now provide the United States with stiff competition within regional markets and program genres. Deficit financing has been adopted more recently by wealthier non-US nations like the United Kingdom, while less affluent and/or smaller markets rely on other approaches. Ever-emerging technologies, penetrable national borders, remote markets, and viewer interest in programs from other countries are foundational concerns alongside the political economy of regulation that make up the study of the global television industry.


2019 ◽  
Vol 21 (3) ◽  
pp. 114-151
Author(s):  
Tanya Harmer

This article explains how Latin American governments responded to the Cuban revolution and how the “Cuban question” played out in the inter-American system in the first five years of Fidel Castro's regime, from 1959 to 1964, when the Organization of American States imposed sanctions against the island. Drawing on recently declassified sources from Argentina, Chile, Mexico, Uruguay, and the United States, the article complicates U.S.-centric accounts of the inter-American system. It also adds to our understanding of how the Cold War was perceived within the region. The article makes clear that U.S. policymakers were not the only ones who feared Castro's triumph, the prospect of greater Soviet intervention, and the Cuban missile crisis. By seeking to understand why local states opposed Castro's ascendance and what they wanted to do to counter his regime, the account here offers new insight into the Cuban revolution's international impact and allows us to evaluate U.S. influence in the region during key years of the Cold War.


1975 ◽  
Vol 17 (3) ◽  
pp. 311-325 ◽  
Author(s):  
George Meek

Literature on U.S. influence in the Organization of American States reveals a marked diversity of views. Some authors consider that U.S. influence is absolute or very nearly so; others hold that it is relative; still others think it is minimal.In the nearly-absolute school, former Guatemalan President Arévalo (1961: 126) says that the United States “always wins” in the OAS. The Ecuadorian writer Benjamín Cardón (1965: 29) says that the OAS “receives orders and complies with them, with the appearance of discussion, and the appearance of votes that satisfy pro-forma the hypocritical quakerism of the masters.” This view might be summed up by a comment attributed to a Latin American delegate to one Inter-American Conference: “If the United States wanted to badly enough, it could have a resolution passed declaring two and two are five ” (New York Times, March 8, 1954).


1967 ◽  
Vol 21 (1) ◽  
pp. 210-220

The Organization of American States (OAS) Council met in Washington, D.C., in secret session on April 29, 1965, at the request of the United States to consider the crisis which had arisen in the Dominican Republic. This crisis had been brought about by the overthrow on April 25–26 of a three-man civilian junta which had ruled the Dominican Republic since 1963. Civil ar had almost immediately broken out between supporters of former President Juan Bosch, led by Colonel Francisco Caamaño Deñó and military units headed by Brigadier General Elias Wessin y Wessin, who was one of the leaders of the coup which had overthrown Bosch in 1963.


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