scholarly journals ENTREPRENEURSHIP IN SERBIAN ENCLAVES IN REGION OF KOSOVO AND METOHIA: POST-CONFLICT SITUATION AND POSSIBLE MODERATING FUNCTION OF EC SMALL ENTERPRISES REGULATION

Bastina ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 31 (55) ◽  
Author(s):  
Krsto M. JAKŠIĆ ◽  
Adrijana J. VUKOVIĆ

On the sample of 84 Serbian companies which operate on Kosovo territory (Serbian enclaves) in post-conflict situation we want to find out which factors are crucial for their survival and success. Also we want to find out is EU regulatory document for small enterprises helpful for them in this situation. We did not find EU document helpful in this situation. The results have confirmed that the enterprises are aware that expanding the market range is the only real and sustainable method of developing their activities. The key limiting factor in expanding the market range is the unfair competition. Furthermore, we are particularly pleased with the fact that enterprises from the northern part of Kosovo and Metohia are aware of the importance of innovative activities, and they realized that in contemporary business world it is possible to survive and grow in the market only by developing and introducing innovations. There are no universal solutions in a post-conflict situations. Search for ideal solution for developing the entrepreneur activities and it depends on the combination of social/political, institutional, cultural and economic aspects.

2015 ◽  
Vol 16 (4) ◽  
pp. 590-603 ◽  
Author(s):  
Eric De Brabandere

Recent situations of States recovering from conflict show that foreign direct investment (FDI) act as a double-edged sword and are characterized by an inherent paradox. Indeed, on the one hand, post-conflict economic reconstruction and development requires and relies on FDI. On the other, rights granted to foreign investors before and during the post-conflict phase may result in a backlash for States recovering from conflict because rights granted to foreign investors have – besides the general tensions caused by such instruments – specific consequences in post-conflict situations due to the economic, security-related, social and demographic specificities of those situations. This article maps and charts the issues raised by FDI protection in post-conflict situations, and thus provides the context for the debate of the interaction between FDI regulation and post-conflict situation.


Author(s):  
Anne Dienelt

This chapter draws the bow between preventive measures under IHL and their relevance in a post-conflict situation regarding environmental protection. The author analyses the training of forces, the marking of protected zones and the weapons review according to Article 36 of Additional Protocol I. Since IHL provisions and principles protecting the natural environment are of relevance for the training of forces and the weapons review, they are briefly summarized as well. But do these preventive measures also impact post-conflict situations? The author studies post-conflict assessments of the environment. These can result in an updating of military manuals and military curricular relating to the training of forces. A monitoring of the conduct of hostilities can also influence the weapons reviews (including weapons instructions), leading to updating them by using the lessons learned extracted from the war theatre. Protected zones can also be assessed post-conflict, resulting in the conclusion of peace agreements including demilitarized zones detached from Article 60 AP I. To restore justice after war, post-conflict assessments of the environment can thus be a useful tool. The legal bases for this assertion are assessed in this chapter.


1967 ◽  
Vol 21 (2) ◽  
pp. 377-383 ◽  
Author(s):  
Thomas Schill ◽  
Myron Boor

Ss were exposed to a three-stage experimental conflict paradigm consisting of pretraining (weak conflict), conflict training (either strong conflict, strong conflict plus threat of shock for wrong responses, weak conflict, or weak conflict plus threat of shock for wrong responses), and post-conflict performance (weak conflict). The results indicated: (1) performance in a weak conflict situation was markedly affected by previous conflict exposure, (2) threat of shock associated with weak and strong conflict situations increased indecisiveness particularly in the weak conflict condition, and (3) the threat of shock groups and the strong conflict non-threat group were significantly more indecisive during the post-conflict than the weak conflict group, but the former three groups did not differ significantly from one another. These results were discussed as being more consistent with a competing-response than a dynamogenic formulation regarding the effects on the individual of exposure to conflict.


Author(s):  
Eric Patterson

Scholars and political leaders have recently grown increasingly uncomfortable with terms like victory and ‘unconditional surrender’. One reason for this becomes clear when reconsidering the concept of ‘victory’ in terms of ethics and policy in times of war. The just war tradition emphasizes limits and restraint in the conduct of war but also highlights state agency, the rule of law, and appropriate war aims in its historic tenets of right authority, just cause, and right intention. Indeed, the establishment of order and justice are legitimate war aims. Should we not also consider them exemplars, or markers, of just victory? This chapter discusses debates over how conflicts end that have made ‘victory’ problematic and evaluates how just war principles—including jus post bellum principles—help define a moral post-conflict situation that is not just peace, but may perhaps be called ‘victory’ as well.


Author(s):  
Jim Donaghey

Punk’s resonance has been felt strongly here. Against the backdrop of the Troubles and the “post-conflict” situation in Northern Ireland, punk has provided an anti-sectarian alternative culture. The overarching conflict of the Troubles left gaps for punk to thrive in, as well as providing the impetus for visions of an “Alternative Ulster,” but the stuttering shift from conflict to post-conflict has changed what oppositional identities and cultures look like. With the advent of “peace” (or a particular version of it at least) in the late 1990s, this space is being squeezed out by “development” agendas while counterculture is co-opted and neutered—and all the while sectarianism is further engrained and perpetuated. This chapter examines punk’s positioning within (and against) the conflict-warped terrain of Belfast, especially highlighting punk’s critical counter-narrative to the sectarian, neoliberal “peace.”


2021 ◽  
pp. 1-5
Author(s):  
Ole Kristian Fauchald

This chapter seeks to focus on ‘peacebuilding’ as a construct of peace among groups that have previously been in conflict. This calls for moving beyond peacemaking and conflict resolution to consider the longer-term efforts at establishing sustainable peace. Notwithstanding the longstanding efforts of UNEP’s Post-Conflict and Disaster Management Branch, there has been very limited development of international normative and institutional structures targeting the process of post-conflict sustainable peacebuilding. How far the current international environmental governance (IEG) regimes are responsive to the specific challenges to post-conflict situations? It seeks to briefly consider four key aspects of IEG regimes: (i) Ad- hoc and subject specific (ii) Incremental and facilitative (iii) Degree of reciprocity and (iv) Science-based.


2001 ◽  
Vol 14 (3) ◽  
pp. 495-529 ◽  
Author(s):  
Outi Korhonen

International organisations have recently assumed a more intrusive role in settling conflicts in all continents. At the same time, post-conflict or post-settlement tasks seem to be emerging as an important function, encompassing the conduct of democratic elections, the guarantee of security, development of civil society, etc. In order to operationalise such wide-ranging and deeply intrusive social aims it is not sufficient to have peace-keepers or elections monitoring missions sent into the conflict-torn territories. Concentrated and centrally planned efforts of international governance are needed. In the present day, however, there is no such systematic scheme to which to refer. Yet institutional structures are needed to administer the extensive tasks and functions assigned in certain post-conflict situations. Therefore many questions of legitimacy and fundamental accountability arise.


2017 ◽  
Vol 55 (3) ◽  
pp. 349-370
Author(s):  
Bram J. Jansen

ABSTRACTThis paper aims to contribute to debates about humanitarian governance and insecurity in post-conflict situations. It takes the case of South Sudan to explore the relations between humanitarian agencies, the international community, and local authorities, and the ways international and local forms of power become interrelated and contested, and to what effect. The paper is based on eight months of ethnographic research in various locations in South Sudan between 2011 and 2013, in which experiences with and approaches to insecurity among humanitarian aid actors were studied. The research found that many security threats can be understood in relation to the everyday practices of negotiating and maintaining humanitarian access. Perceiving this insecurity as violation or abuse of a moral and practical humanitarianism neglects how humanitarian aid in practice was embedded in broader state building processes. This paper posits instead that much insecurity for humanitarian actors is a symptom of the blurring of international and local forms of power, and this mediates the development of a humanitarian protectorate.


SAGE Open ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 9 (4) ◽  
pp. 215824401989407 ◽  
Author(s):  
Silvia Ubillos-Landa ◽  
Alicia Puente-Martínez ◽  
Gina Arias-Rodríguez ◽  
Marcela Gracia-Leiva ◽  
José Luis González-Castro

The effects of armed conflict on women in post-conflict situations are an area of analysis for social disciplines. This study will analyze the situation in Colombia, currently involved in a peace restoration process. The aim is to verify the efficacy of a coping and emotion regulation program analyzing victimization as well as the coping strategies employed in response to these violent acts. The program focuses on 62 women contacted through the Ruta Pacífica de las Mujeres, a nongovernmental organization. The program had a positive effect on women, reporting lower levels of posttraumatic stress, more functional coping strategies, and less use of dysfunctional strategies. All emotional cognitive and social indicators improved. Women felt emotionally better, perceiving greater social support and more trust in institutions. Survivors had more self-confidence to achieve their goals and solve their problems. The implications in a context of peace reconstruction and search for social cohesion are discussed.


2021 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 136-152
Author(s):  
Olga V. Yarmak ◽  
Maria G. Bolshakova ◽  
Tatyana V. Shkayderova ◽  
Anastasia G. Maranchak

The article presents the results of a media-analytical study of information flows in Ukraine and in the “new” subjects of the Russian Federation – Crimea and Sevastopol. The relevance of the study of post-conflict societies is dictated by the fact that in the digital era, an effective military solution must be supported by participation in the formation of the information agenda and management of information flows. The cases of color revolutions allow to speak of communication as a factor in the formation of unconventional social attitudes. The results of the study carried out by the authors show that in the condition of the crisis in society, communication networks are formed often due to the external influence. Information flows of a post-conflict society are formed not only from real events of everyday life and the existing socio-political situation, but also focusing on a number of topics and discourses that must be present in the media field without fail. They act as information triggers, system trigger tools that form a different streaming of flows, which were differentiated by the authors as single – and multi-wave. The analysis of the identified flows, that represent communicative network structures, testifies to the different genesis of their emergence and functioning, but the determining factor in this process is the geopolitical request for the formation of media tracks. The authors come to conclusion that the information flows of post-conflict societies are communicative-political structures of a dual nature: they initially carry the ideas of an open and democratic society, but then form conflict situations in the civil and media fields.


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