scholarly journals Social communication paradoxes in post-conflict societies

2021 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 136-152
Author(s):  
Olga V. Yarmak ◽  
Maria G. Bolshakova ◽  
Tatyana V. Shkayderova ◽  
Anastasia G. Maranchak

The article presents the results of a media-analytical study of information flows in Ukraine and in the “new” subjects of the Russian Federation – Crimea and Sevastopol. The relevance of the study of post-conflict societies is dictated by the fact that in the digital era, an effective military solution must be supported by participation in the formation of the information agenda and management of information flows. The cases of color revolutions allow to speak of communication as a factor in the formation of unconventional social attitudes. The results of the study carried out by the authors show that in the condition of the crisis in society, communication networks are formed often due to the external influence. Information flows of a post-conflict society are formed not only from real events of everyday life and the existing socio-political situation, but also focusing on a number of topics and discourses that must be present in the media field without fail. They act as information triggers, system trigger tools that form a different streaming of flows, which were differentiated by the authors as single – and multi-wave. The analysis of the identified flows, that represent communicative network structures, testifies to the different genesis of their emergence and functioning, but the determining factor in this process is the geopolitical request for the formation of media tracks. The authors come to conclusion that the information flows of post-conflict societies are communicative-political structures of a dual nature: they initially carry the ideas of an open and democratic society, but then form conflict situations in the civil and media fields.

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ashley E Sivil

This research examines the personal style blog from a philosophical perspective in an attempt to understand its implications for fashion diffusion theory. Starting from an evaluation of Georg Simmel’s trickle-down theory of diffusion (1904), the paper goes on to dissect the rhetoric of democratization that has come to define fashion blogging in the media and previous scholarship, only to show that the success of bloggers both reaffirms and challenges the notion that fashion is elitist. Phenomenologist Martin Heidegger’s concepts of authenticity and inauthenticity are then used to gain a better grasp of how the personal style blog reflects the dual nature of fashion and of the Self. Tavi Gevinson’s The Style Rookie was selected as a case study to demonstrate the personal style blog’s potential to act as an authentic means of expression, while still being a part of the inauthentic media complex.


2011 ◽  
Vol 46 (1) ◽  
pp. 3-32 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marie-Soleil Frère

In the past ten years, elections were held in six countries of Central Africa experiencing “post-conflict” situations. The polls that took place in Burundi (2005), the Central African Republic (2005), the Democratic Republic of the Congo (2006), Congo-Brazzaville (2002, 2007), Chad (1996, 2001, 2006) and Rwanda (2003) were crucial for peace-building. In some cases, they were widely supported and supervised by the international community, being considered the last step of a peace process and the first step toward establishing a truly representative “post-conflict” regime. The media were expected to play a large part in supporting these elections, both to inform the citizens, so they could make an educated choice, and to supervise the way the electoral administration was organizing the polls. This paper attempts to show the many challenges faced by the media while covering these post-conflict electoral processes. In a context of great political tension, in which candidates are often former belligerents who have just put down their guns to go to the polls, the media operate in an unsafe and economically damaged environment, suffering from a lack of infrastructure, inadequate equipment and untrained staff. Given those constraints, one might wonder if the media should be considered actual democratic tools in Central Africa or just gimmicks in a “peace-building kit” (including “free and fair” elections, multipartism and freedom of the press) with no real impact on the democratic commitment of the elite or the political participation of the population.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ashley E Sivil

This research examines the personal style blog from a philosophical perspective in an attempt to understand its implications for fashion diffusion theory. Starting from an evaluation of Georg Simmel’s trickle-down theory of diffusion (1904), the paper goes on to dissect the rhetoric of democratization that has come to define fashion blogging in the media and previous scholarship, only to show that the success of bloggers both reaffirms and challenges the notion that fashion is elitist. Phenomenologist Martin Heidegger’s concepts of authenticity and inauthenticity are then used to gain a better grasp of how the personal style blog reflects the dual nature of fashion and of the Self. Tavi Gevinson’s The Style Rookie was selected as a case study to demonstrate the personal style blog’s potential to act as an authentic means of expression, while still being a part of the inauthentic media complex.


Author(s):  
Мария Минаиловна Чевычелова

В статье рассматриваются методики преподавания журналистики и особенности деятельности медиацентра в общеобразовательных структурах, овладении профессиональными инструментами воспитанниками филиала НВМУ (Владивостокское ПКУ). The article discusses the methods of teaching journalism and features of the media center in general education structures, mastering professional tools by students of the branch of NVMU (Vladivostok PKU).


Humaniora ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 13
Author(s):  
Abitassha Az Zahra ◽  
Eko Priyo Purnomo ◽  
Aulia Nur Kasiwi

The research aimed to explain the pattern of social communication on the issue of rejection of the PLTU Batang development policy. It used data on Twitter accounts involved in the rejection of the PLTU Batang development policy. In analyzing existing data, qualitative methods and social analysis networks were used. To see social networks in the rejection of the PLTU Batang development policy, the research used the NodeXL application to find out the patterns of social communication networks in #TolakPLTUBatang. From the results, it can be seen that in the dissemination of social networking information, the @praditya_wibby account is the most central account in the social network and has a strong influence on the social network. The @praditya_wibby account has a role in moving the community through Twitter to make a critical social movement. This means that in the current digital era, democracy enters a new form through the movement of public opinion delivery through social media. Besides, by encouraging the role of online news, the distribution of information becomes faster to form new perceptions of an issue. This is evident from the correlation network where the @praditya_wibby account has correlations with several compass online media accounts, tirto.id, okezonenews, vice, antaranews, BBCIndonesia, and CNN Indonesia.


Author(s):  
Christine Cheng

This chapter introduces the concept of extralegal groups and a theoretical framework for analyzing them—how they emerge, develop, and become entrenched over time. It explores their dual nature as threats to the state and as local statebuilders. Formally, an extralegal group is defined as a set of individuals with a proven capacity for violence who work outside the law for profit and provide basic governance functions to sustain its business interests. This framing shows how political authority can develop as a by-product of the commercial environment, even where the state has little or no presence. In post-conflict societies, the predatory nature and historical abuses of citizens conducted in the name of the state means that government is not always more trusted or better able to look after the interests of local populations than an extralegal group. Ultimately, extralegal groups blur the lines between the formal and informal; the licit and illicit.


2021 ◽  
pp. 1-5
Author(s):  
Ole Kristian Fauchald

This chapter seeks to focus on ‘peacebuilding’ as a construct of peace among groups that have previously been in conflict. This calls for moving beyond peacemaking and conflict resolution to consider the longer-term efforts at establishing sustainable peace. Notwithstanding the longstanding efforts of UNEP’s Post-Conflict and Disaster Management Branch, there has been very limited development of international normative and institutional structures targeting the process of post-conflict sustainable peacebuilding. How far the current international environmental governance (IEG) regimes are responsive to the specific challenges to post-conflict situations? It seeks to briefly consider four key aspects of IEG regimes: (i) Ad- hoc and subject specific (ii) Incremental and facilitative (iii) Degree of reciprocity and (iv) Science-based.


2021 ◽  
pp. 1329878X2098596
Author(s):  
Anna Cristina Pertierra

Since the late 1980s, Filipino entertainment television has assumed and maintained a dominance in national popular culture, which expanded in the digital era. The media landscape into which digital technologies were launched in the Philippines was largely set in the wake of the 1986 popular movement and change of government referred to as the EDSA revolution: television stations that had been sequestered under martial law were turned over to family-dominated commercial enterprises, and entertainment media proliferated. Building upon the long development of entertainment industries in the Philippines, new social media encounters with entertainment content generate expanded and engaged publics whose formation continues to operate upon a foundation of televisual media. This article considers the particular role that entertainment media plays in the formation of publics in which comedic, melodramatic and celebrity-led content generates networks of followers, users and viewers whose loyalty produces various forms of capital, including in notable cases political capital.


2001 ◽  
Vol 14 (3) ◽  
pp. 495-529 ◽  
Author(s):  
Outi Korhonen

International organisations have recently assumed a more intrusive role in settling conflicts in all continents. At the same time, post-conflict or post-settlement tasks seem to be emerging as an important function, encompassing the conduct of democratic elections, the guarantee of security, development of civil society, etc. In order to operationalise such wide-ranging and deeply intrusive social aims it is not sufficient to have peace-keepers or elections monitoring missions sent into the conflict-torn territories. Concentrated and centrally planned efforts of international governance are needed. In the present day, however, there is no such systematic scheme to which to refer. Yet institutional structures are needed to administer the extensive tasks and functions assigned in certain post-conflict situations. Therefore many questions of legitimacy and fundamental accountability arise.


2015 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 46-67 ◽  
Author(s):  
David Welch Suggs

Sports reporters depend on access to events and sources as much or more than any other news professional. Over the past few years, some sports organizations have attempted to restrict such access, as well as what reporters can publish via social media. In the digital era, access and publishing autonomy, as institutionalized concepts, are evolving rapidly. Hypotheses tying access and work practices to reporters’ perceptions of the legitimacy they experience are developed and tested via a structural equation model, using responses to a survey of journalists in American intercollegiate athletics and observed dimensions of access and autonomy to measure a latent variable of legitimacy. The model suggests that reporters have mixed views about whether they possess the legitimacy they need to do their jobs.


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