scholarly journals Testing cognitive and interpersonal asymmetry vs. symmetry among voters in the 2020 Presidential primaries

2021 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 592-607
Author(s):  
Jake Womick ◽  
Laura A. King

During the 2020 U.S. Presidential primary season, we measured candidate support and cognitive and interpersonal variables associated with political ideology among 831 U.S. participants. Cognitive style variables included openness to experience, active open-minded thinking, dogmatism, and preference for one right answer. Interpersonal variables were compassion and empathy. We modeled candidate support across the political spectrum, ranging from the most conservative to the most liberal (Trump, Bloomberg, Biden, Warren, Sanders), testing competing pre-registered predictions informed by the symmetry and asymmetry perspectives on political ideology. Specifically, we tested whether mean levels on the variables of interest across candidate supporters conformed to patterns consistent with symmetry (i.e., a curvilinear pattern with supporters of relatively extreme candidates being similar to each other relative to supporters of moderate candidates) vs. asymmetry (e.g., linear differences across supporters of liberal vs. conservative candidates). Results broadly supported the asymmetry perspective: Supporters of liberal candidates were generally lower on cognitive rigidity and higher on interpersonal warmth than supporters of conservative candidates. Results and implications are discussed.

2016 ◽  
Vol 8 (6) ◽  
pp. 612-622 ◽  
Author(s):  
Joris Lammers ◽  
Alex Koch ◽  
Paul Conway ◽  
Mark J. Brandt

How does political preference affect categorization in the political domain? Eight studies demonstrate that people on both ends of the political spectrum—strong Republicans and strong Democrats—form simpler and more clustered categories of political stimuli than do moderates and neutrals. This pattern was obtained regardless of whether stimuli were politicians (Study 1), social groups (Study 2), or newspapers (Study 3). Furthermore, both strong Republicans and strong Democrats were more likely to make inferences about the world based on their clustered categorization. This was found for estimating the likelihood that geographical location determines voting (Study 4), that political preference determines personal taste (Study 5), and that social relationships determine political preference (Study 6). The effect is amplified if political ideology is salient (Study 7) and remains after controlling for differences in political sophistication (Study 8). The political domain appears simpler to the politically extreme than to political moderates.


2019 ◽  
Vol 19 (2) ◽  
pp. 231-255
Author(s):  
Tara Marie Mortensen ◽  
Leigh Moscowitz ◽  
Anan Wan ◽  
Aimei Yang

In the wake of growing legalization efforts, both medicinal and recreational marijuana use in the US is becoming more prevalent and societally acceptable. However, racial, criminal and cultural stereotypes linger in mediated visual portrayals. This study examines the extent to which mediated visual portrayals in mainstream news have been impacted by these recent legalization efforts. Employing a quantitative as well as a qualitative analysis of visual images used to represent marijuana use in mainstream news, this study draws upon the power of visual framing and the construction of social reality to examine how visual symbols and iconic signifiers are used to construct both stereotypical and ‘mainstreamed’ or ‘normative’ depictions of marijuana use. Analyzing 458 visuals across 10 different media outlets across the political spectrum, both before and after legalization of marijuana in Colorado, this study shows how news portrayals perpetuated stereotypes about marijuana users, particularly around criminality and pot-culture iconography. Relatively few depictions of marijuana users in the US are visuals of ordinary, ‘normal’ people or families. This study thus interrogates the relationship between representations of race, criminality and ‘pothead’ stereotypes associated with marijuana use, and how these visual representations differ amongst liberal and conservative news sites, finding that the political ideology of the news outlet largely influences the visual stereotyping of marijuana users. The study concludes by considering both the legal and cultural implications of how mainstream news visually represents marijuana use, considering how persistent decades-old representations were largely perpetuated rather than challenged in light of legalization efforts.


2015 ◽  
Vol 16 (1) ◽  
pp. 114-137 ◽  
Author(s):  
HIROFUMI MIWA

AbstractThe prevailing theory states that either Japanese voters have stopped ideologically distinguishing parties or that the main political parties in Japan have become more centrist in recent years. These arguments are based on survey questions asking citizens to locate parties on an ideological scale. However, these questions may suffer from noise caused by respondents who misinterpret the question wording or answer the questions inappropriately to mask their misunderstanding of the terms ‘left’ and ‘right’. To address this problem by extracting only the views of those who know the meaning of left–right terms, this article develops a mixture model. Applying the model to an opinion poll conducted after the 2012 Japanese general election, I confirm that those who comprehend the left–right terminology – slightly over half of all voters – largely perceived parties’ ideologies in the same way as experts. Additionally, I find that even these voters face difficulties in placing ambiguous or new parties on the political spectrum. This study has implications not only for understanding trends in Japanese political ideology, but also for survey design and analysis of heterogeneous survey responses.


2014 ◽  
Vol 37 (3) ◽  
pp. 316-317 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ronnie Janoff-Bulman ◽  
Nate C. Carnes

AbstractOur past work linking motivation and morality provides a basis for understanding differences in political ideology and positions across the political spectrum. Conservatism is rooted in avoidance-based proscriptive morality, whereas liberalism is rooted in approach-based prescriptive morality. Two distinct, binding, group moralities reflect these different regulatory systems and emphasize social coordination through Social Order versus social cooperation through Social Justice.


Migrant City ◽  
2020 ◽  
pp. 167-195
Author(s):  
Panikos Panayi

This chapter reveals that London has played a role in the evolution of virtually every radical political ideology over the last two centuries, whether communism, pan-Africanism, or a host of nationalist ideologies which led to the overthrow of both the continental nineteenth-century empires and to British imperialism. It appears that every revolutionary leader of the period from the end of the eighteenth to the middle of twentieth century spent time in London. And beyond that, a series of governments in exile based themselves in London waiting for the defeat of the Nazis in Europe, perhaps most famously the Free French led by Charles de Gaulle. The presence of the conservative but nationalist French leader points to the fact that London has acted as home to political exiles from all parts of the political spectrum. However, as this chapter shows, these revolutionaries did not share the same views.


2012 ◽  
pp. 179-199 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lynne M. Webb ◽  
Tiffany E. Fields ◽  
Sitthivorada Boupha ◽  
Matthew N. Stell

Previous studies of successful political blogs have focused primarily on their content. However, a closer look at a blog website can reveal an array of channel characteristics that can be associated with blog popularity. To provide a holistic assessment of the popularity of political blogs, the authors of this chapter examined the formal features of blog homepages in a sample of 100 top political blogs in the U.S. The purpose of the study was to determine whether blog channel characteristics (such as complexity, interactivity, user-friendliness, and navigability) were associated with blog popularity. Ideological orientation was included among the variables to account for any differences associated with channel characteristics across the political spectrum. The analysis indicated that blog complexity, interactivity, user-friendliness, navigability, and political ideology were directly related to blog popularity. The authors argue that these results allow researchers to distinguish between blog popularity based on blog content and blog channel characteristics. The results also may permit blog developers to develop the formal features of the blogs to maximize popularity.


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hale A Forster ◽  
Howard Kunreuther ◽  
Elke U. Weber

While policies to encourage low-cost energy saving behaviors have increasinglyincorporated nonfinancial behavioral science interventions to motivate behavioral change, policies to encourage large structural energy efficiency upgrades have been slow to adopt such tools to motivate consumers, relying instead on economic incentives to reduce upfront cost and targeting financial and comfort motivations. This research examines whether adding an emphasis on environmental benefits can increase interest in these upgrades and explores whether political ideology moderates the effectiveness of different environmental benefits frames. In Study 1, we explore how homeowners rate the importance of financial and nonfinancial decision factors of weatherization, a large energy efficiency upgrade, including the financial, informational, environmental, material, and social benefits and costs. We find that environmental benefits explain the most variance of any decision factor in reported likelihood to upgrade. In Study 2, we examine whether adding a description of environmental benefits of upgrades to their financial benefits can increase upgrade likelihood across political ideologies. We find that adding environmental benefits framed as mitigation of climate change increases liberals’ likelihood to upgrade but has no effect on conservatives; however, adding benefits framed as an increase in environmental stewardship and energy independence increases both liberals and conservatives’ likelihood to upgrade. This research demonstrates that, contrary to existing practice, adding environmental messages after characterizing financial benefits is likely to increase investment in energy efficiency upgrades across the political spectrum.


2019 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 810-829 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gosia Mikołajczak ◽  
Julia C. Becker

The established models predicting collective action have been developed based on liberal ideas of injustice perceptions showing that progressive collective action occurs when people perceive that the equality or need rule of fairness are violated. We argue, however, that these perceptions of injustice cannot explain the occurrence of social protests among Conservatives. The present work addresses one shortcoming in collective action research by exploring the interactive role of political ideology and injustice appraisals in predicting social protest. Specifically, we focused on injustice appraisals as a key predictor of collective action and tested whether the same or different conceptualizations of injustice instigate protest among Liberals versus Conservatives using data from two studies conducted in Germany (Study 1, N = 130) and in the US (Study 2, N = 115). Our findings indicate that injustice appraisals play an equally important role in instigating social protest both among Liberals and Conservatives. As we show, however, predicting collective action among individuals across the political spectrum requires accounting for ideological preferences for different fairness rules. Whereas Liberals are more likely to engage in protest when the equality and need rules are violated, Conservatives are more likely to protest when the merit rule is violated. We recommend that studies on collective action consider not only the strength of injustice appraisals but also their content, to assess which fairness principles guide one’s perceptions of (in)justice.


2019 ◽  
pp. 78-103
Author(s):  
S.A. Romanenko

The article is devoted to the analysis of representations about AustriaHungary in Russia in political and publicists societies including Bolsheviks, Social Democrats, liberals (cadets), as well as MFA analysts from February to October. On the basis of the materials on foreign policy and the correlation of revolution and world war, from Russian daily press and journalists, which have not been studied before, the author comes to the conclusion that the representatives of the left flank of the political spectrum had neither information nor conceptually built ideas about the situation in AustriaHungary, about the perspectives for the development of revolutionary processes in the multinational state and its direction and aims. On the other hand, this was also largely characteristic of the moods of the AustroHungarian politicians, whether progovernment or opposition,Статья посвящена анализу представлений об АвстроВенгрии в России в политических и публицистических обществахв том числе большевиков, социалдемократов, либералов (кадетов), а также аналитиков МИД с февраля по октябрь. На основе материалов по внешней политике и соотношение революции и мировой войны, из российской ежедневной прессы и журналистов, которые до этого не изучались, автор приходит к выводу, что представители левого фланга политического спектра не имели ни информации, ни концептуально выстроенных представлений о ситуации в АвстроВенгрии, о перспективах развития революционных процессов в многонациональном государстве и его направленности, а также о том, что они не могли цели. С другой стороны, это было также в значительной степени характерно для настроений австровенгерских политиков, будь то проправительственные или оппозиционные, для которых цели национального движения уже в 1917 году играли гораздо большую роль, чем для русских. Для сравнительного анализа на основе архивных материалов приводятся позиции Министерства иностранных дел (Временного правительства) и Петроградского Совета.


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