scholarly journals Relaciones fiduciarias, libertad política, derecho a la existencia

Daímon ◽  
2020 ◽  
pp. 49-64
Author(s):  
Florence Gauthier

En 1789, la convocatoria de los Estados Generales despertó el entusiasmo del pueblo al convertir las “comunas” en el lugar de ejercicio de su soberanía, vinculándolo al sistema electoral de los agentes de confianza revocables. En 1793-1794, la guerra civil, liderada por la aristocracia de los ricos contra la cultura política popular, no pudo impedir ni la redistribución de tierras ni el programa de economía política popular. La República montagnarde (“montañesa”) de 1794, a pesar de su brevedad, aprobó una constitución comunal basada en las relaciones de confianza entre el pueblo y sus mandatarios, que ha sido imposible olvidar. 1789, the Convocation of the Etats-generaux created a popular enthusiasm who transformed the communes in the place of the exercise of his sovereignty, bound with the electoral system of removable trustee. The civil war, leaded by the wealthy aristocracy against the popular political culture, was not able to prevent neither the redistribution of land property, nor the popular political economy programme, in 1793-94. The Montagnarde Commonwealth of 1794, however brief was its term, experimented a communal constitution, founded on trusteeship between the people and his mandatories, which will be never forgotten.

2020 ◽  
Vol 13 (4) ◽  
pp. 45-69
Author(s):  
Benoit Challand ◽  
Joshua Rogers

This paper provides an historical exploration of local governance in Yemen across the past sixty years. It highlights the presence of a strong tradition of local self-rule, self-help, and participation “from below” as well as the presence of a rival, official, political culture upheld by central elites that celebrates centralization and the strong state. Shifts in the predominance of one or the other tendency have coincided with shifts in the political economy of the Yemeni state(s). When it favored the local, central rulers were compelled to give space to local initiatives and Yemen experienced moments of political participation and local development.


2020 ◽  
Vol 17 (3) ◽  
pp. 278-291
Author(s):  
Egor A. Yesyunin

The article is devoted to the satirical agitation ABCs that appeared during the Civil War, which have never previously been identified by researchers as a separate type of agitation art. The ABCs, which used to have the narrow purpose of teaching children to read and write before, became a form of agitation art in the hands of artists and writers. This was facilitated by the fact that ABCs, in contrast to primers, are less loaded with educational material and, accordingly, they have more space for illustrations. The article presents the development history of the agitation ABCs, focusing in detail on four of them: V.V. Mayakovsky’s “Soviet ABC”, D.S. Moor’s “Red Army Soldier’s ABC”, A.I. Strakhov’s “ABC of the Revolution”, and M.M. Cheremnykh’s “Anti-Religious ABC”. There is also briefly considered “Our ABC”: the “TASS Posters” created by various artists during the Second World War. The article highlights the special significance of V.V. Mayakovsky’s first agitation ABC, which later became a reference point for many artists. The authors of the first satirical ABCs of the Civil War period consciously used the traditional form of popular prints, as well as ditties and sayings, in order to create images close to the people. The article focuses on the iconographic connections between the ABCs and posters in the works of D.S. Moor and M.M. Cheremnykh, who transferred their solutions from the posters to the ABCs.


2019 ◽  
Vol 5 (4) ◽  
pp. 156-159
Author(s):  
Roy PP

Monica Ali was born in 1967 in Dhaka, Bangladesh, but grew up in England. Her English mother met her Bangladeshi father at a dance in northern England in the 1960s. Despite both of their families` protests, they later married and lived together with their two young children in Dhaka. This was then the provincial capital of East Pakistan which after a nine-month war of independence became the capital of the People`s Republic of Bangladesh. On 25 March 1971 during this civil war, Monica Ali`s father sent his family to safety in England. The war caused East Pakistan to secede from the union with West Pakistan, and was now named Bangladesh.


2020 ◽  
Vol 37 (1) ◽  
pp. 138-158
Author(s):  
James A. Harris

AbstractMy point of departure in this essay is Smith’s definition of government. “Civil government,” he writes, “so far as it is instituted for the security of property, is in reality instituted for the defence of the rich against the poor, or of those who have some property against those who have none at all.” First I unpack Smith’s definition of government as the protection of the rich against the poor. I argue that, on Smith’s view, this is always part of what government is for. I then turn to the question of what, according to Smith, our governors can do to protect the wealth of the rich from the resentment of the poor. I consider, and reject, the idea that Smith might conceive of education as a means of alleviating the resentment of the poor at their poverty. I then describe how, in his lectures on jurisprudence, Smith refines and develops Hume’s taxonomy of the opinions upon which all government rests. The sense of allegiance to government, according to Smith, is shaped by instinctive deference to natural forms of authority as well as by rational, Whiggish considerations of utility. I argue that it is the principle of authority that provides the feelings of loyalty upon which government chiefly rests. It follows, I suggest, that to the extent that Smith looked to government to protect the property of the rich against the poor, and thereby to maintain the peace and stability of society at large, he cannot have sought to lessen the hold on ordinary people of natural sentiments of deference. In addition, I consider the implications of Smith’s theory of government for the question of his general attitude toward poverty. I argue against the view that Smith has recognizably “liberal,” progressive views of how the poor should be treated. Instead, I locate Smith in the political culture of the Whiggism of his day.


2019 ◽  
Vol 22 (1) ◽  
pp. 111-127 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nadia Urbinati

Populism is the name of a global phenomenon whose definitional precariousness is proverbial. It resists generalizations and makes scholars of politics comparativist by necessity, as its language and content are imbued with the political culture of the society in which it arises. A rich body of socio-historical analyses allows us to situate populism within the global phenomenon called democracy, as its ideological core is nourished by the two main entities—the nation and the people—that have fleshed out popular sovereignty in the age of democratization. Populism consists in a transmutation of the democratic principles of the majority and the people in a way that is meant to celebrate one subset of the people as opposed to another, through a leader embodying it and an audience legitimizing it. This may make populism collide with constitutional democracy, even if its main tenets are embedded in the democratic universe of meanings and language. In this article, I illustrate the context-based character of populism and how its cyclical appearances reflect the forms of representative government. I review the main contemporary interpretations of the concept and argue that some basic agreement now exists on populism's rhetorical character and its strategy for achieving power in democratic societies. Finally, I sketch the main characteristics of populism in power and explain how it tends to transform the fundamentals of democracy: the people and the majority, elections, and representation.


2006 ◽  
Vol 34 (7) ◽  
pp. 1237-1253 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kishor Sharma

1995 ◽  
Vol 29 (2) ◽  
pp. 159-184
Author(s):  
Mark Voss-Hubbard

Historians have long recognized the unprecedented expansion of federal power during the Civil War. Moreover most scholars agree that the expansion of federal power manifested itself most immediately and profoundly in the abolition of slavery. In a sense, through the Emancipation Proclamation, the Republican administration injected the national government into the domain of civil rights, and by doing so imbued federal power with a distinct moral purpose. The passage of the Thirteenth, Fourteenth, and Fifteenth Amendments codified this expression of federal authority, rejecting the bedrock tenet in American republican thought that centralized power constituted the primary threat to individual liberty.


ZARCH ◽  
2016 ◽  
pp. 94
Author(s):  
Miguel Sancho ◽  
Beatriz Martín

Como consecuencia de la devastación a la que se verá sometida Teruel durante la guerra civil española gran parte del núcleo urbano se verá afectado. Esta dramática situación planteará la necesidad reconstruir la ciudad pero también la posibilidad de renovar la trama urbana. En el presente artículo se estudiaran las distintas propuestas llevadas a cabo durante este proceso, la tensión entre las ideas reformistas que entenderán la situación como una oportunidad renovadora sin prejuicios e ideas mucho más conservacionistas preocupadas por la identidad histórica de la ciudad, enfrentarán a los distintos agentes involucrados y finalmente dará lugar a la definitiva actuación propuesta. Es imprescindible conocer y reflexionar sobre una sucesión de ideas que plasmadas sobre el papel pueden decidir el futuro de un pueblo, pero también la conservación de su pasado, de su memoria.As a result of the devastation which will come under Teruel during the Spanish civil war much of the urban area will be affected. This dramatic situation arises the need to rebuild the city but also the possibility of renewing the urban fabric. In this article, the various proposals made during this process will be evaluated. The tension between reformist ideas to understand the situation as a renewed and unprejudiced opportunity and much more conservationist ideas concerned with the historical identity of the city will create a confrontation between different involved agents and ultimately lead to the final proposed action. It is essential to know and think of a series of ideas that once reflected on paper can decide the future of the people, but also the preservation of their past, their memory.


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