Spil, leg og idræt i nordisk middelalder

1999 ◽  
Vol 15 ◽  
Author(s):  
Leif Søndergaard

Beskrivelse af de sociale klassers sportsdyrkelse og bevægelseskulturer i middelalderen i de nordiske lande.Games and Sports in the Middle Ages in the NorthFrom Saxo’s Gesta Danorum (ce. 1200), the Icelandic Sagas and the Norwegian King’s Mirror (ce. 1250), we obtain the clear impression that games and sports in the early Middle Ages served two main functions: 1) to display physical strength and 2) to train in the proper use of weapons. These abilities were needed at all levels of Viking and early medieval society. Even kings had to distinguish themselves in sports. Later in the Middle Ages sports and games were socially differentiated. The peasantry continued with trials of strength, – wrestling, boxing, tug-of-war, running and jumping games, ball games, throwing the javelin, shooting with longbow or crossbow, stone lifting etc. The nobility however developed new games. The chivalric virtues, values and norms were transmuted into tournaments. A full scale tournament comprised three sections: 1) riding at the ring, 2) fights between riding knights armed with lances and, 3) standing fights with swords. The nobles also played skittles and other games. The burghers in the towns invented their own games during the Later Middle Ages. Their guilds organised festive sports at Shrovetide, pulling the head off a goose, sword dancing, riding summer and winter, – and at Pentecost, shooting popinjays (a wooden figure on the end of a pole). During the Middle Ages sports and games lost most of their original function of displaying power. Instead they aspired to a place among the rituals of representative courtly display. The games were often integrated into annual festivities, and contributed to giving a distinct cultural identity to each of the social groups who performed them.

Early medieval and medieval - Wendy Davies, Guy Halsall & Andrew Reynolds (ed.) People and Space in the Middle Ages (Studies in the Early Middle Ages). 368 pages, 52 illustrations, 2 tables. 2006. Turnhout: Brepols; 978-2-503-51526-7 hardback. - Catherine E. Karkov & Nicholas Howe (ed.). Conversion and Colonization in Anglo-Saxon England. xx+248 pages, 25 illustrations. 2006. Tempe (AZ): Arizona Center for Medieval and Renaissance Studies; 978-0-86698-363-1 hardback £36 & $40. - Penelope Walton Rogers. Cloth and Clothing in Early Anglo-Saxon England, AD 450–700. xx+290 pages, 177 b&w & colour illustrations, 7 tables. 2007. York: Council for British Archaeology; 978-1-902771-54-0 paperback. - Rachel Moss (ed.) Making and Meaning in Insular Art. xxiv+342 pages, 255 b&w & colour illustrations, 2 tables. 2007. Dublin: Four Courts; 978-1-85182-986-6 hardback £60. - Andrew Saunders. Excavations at Launceston Castle, Cornwall (The Society for Medieval Archaeology Monograph 24). xviii+490 pages, 344 b&w & colour illustrations. 2006. London: Maney; 978-1-904350-75-0 paperback. - Julian Munby, Richard Barber & Richard Brown. Edward Ill’s Round Table at Windsor: The House of the Round Table and the Windsor Festival of 1344. xiv+282 pages, 24 b&w illustrations, 16 colour plates, 8 tables. 2007. Woodbridge: Boydell; 978-1-84383-313-0 hardback £35. - Reviel Netz & William Noel. The Archimedes Codex. xii+306 pages, 42 illustrations. 2007. London: Weidenfeld & Nicolson; 978-0-297-64547-4 hardback £18.99.

Antiquity ◽  
2007 ◽  
Vol 81 (313) ◽  
pp. 826-826
Author(s):  
Madeleine Hummler

2020 ◽  
Vol 25 ◽  
pp. 63-70
Author(s):  
Olga Dec

The aim of the article is to outline the need to reconceptualized the early medieval burials of “vampires” from Poland. These burials are understood as the remains of the so-called “anti- vampire” practices resulting from the social perception of bad death. These, in turn, are recognized as a socio-religious phenomenon, the assumption of which was to postpone the evil actions of the ‘vampire’ by means of certain measures. Due to doubts about the term “vampire”, concerning both the linguistic sphere and the cultural and historical realities, it is suggested not to use it. The proposed alternative, more precise terms would therefore be the terms “returning dead” or “(un)dead”. Another issue raised is the setting of ‘anti-vampire’ burials in an atypical framework. “Anti-vampirical” burials meet the criteria of atypicality on a macro scale, however, it is possible to consider them typical, assuming that they functioned in the culture of Western Slavs in the early Middle Ages as belonging to a specific social group.


2016 ◽  
Vol 21 ◽  
pp. 17-26
Author(s):  
Gabriel Ensenyat Pujol

The tripartite scheme based on the three orders (oratores, bellatores and laboratores), which characterized the society in the early Middle Ages, was already obsolete in the 13th century, since by this time the social structure had become much more complex. Furthermore, the presence of new social groups, such as the merchants and the bourgeois, raised a debate about its “raison d’être”. Therefore a person such as Ramon Llull, who knew very well the world where he lived, described a more representative image of the society of his time. Moreover, the interest of his analysis goes even further, since the Blessed took sides for some groups, such us the merchants –whose activity had been condemned until that moment– or the farmers, usually reviled. He even incorporates in his analysis some groups of people, such as the pilgrims or the painters, missing in any other work of the time.


2021 ◽  
Vol 4 (6) ◽  
pp. 4-8
Author(s):  
Abror A. Odilov ◽  

This article analyzes issues related to religious life in Central Asia, specifically in the Movarounnahr and Khorasan regions, from the early Middle Ages to the Mongol invasion. The author describes the spread of Islam in the region, its causes, the fact that the principle of tolerance towards other religions in Islam has become an integral part of the social life. It is also the theory that the land of Movarounnahr was the place where tolerance emerged in the Middle Ages Index Terms: Islam, religion, Movarounnahr, Khorasan, tolerance, Christianity, Judaism, territory, other religions, mosque, church, temple


2003 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 79-109 ◽  
Author(s):  
Barbara Polci

This essay concerns some aspects of the transformation of the Late Roman domus into the Early Medieval house and focuses on the spaces designed for reception and entertainment. First, I will consider the use and the development of the reception areas of wealthy houses, and their relationship with the growth in private patronage in Late Antiquity. Second, I will examine the transformation of this late antique model of elite housing into the new type of upper-class dwellings that emerged in Early Medieval Italy. In particular, I will focus on the transferral of reception halls and banqueting chambers to the upper story, and on the social and architectonic implications of this feature.


Author(s):  
John Marenbon

This chapter looks at the ease with which the ancient pagan culture was adopted and adapted to fit into a Christian world (without in many cases being actually Christianized) during the Early Middle Ages. In writing which was not strictly theological or philosophical, early medieval scholars used ancient models and language freely within a Christian context. They took the compatibility of pagan culture and Christian belief so much for granted that the Problem of Paganism did not arise; and the same is true for their predecessors in the sixth and seventh centuries as for some tenth- and eleventh-century writing. This broad, unproblematic acceptance of classical culture set what would remain the mainstream view throughout the Middle Ages. The chapter also looks at how Christian Europe came about only as the result of a long process.


Author(s):  
Eduardo Manzano Moreno

This chapter addresses a very simple question: is it possible to frame coinage in the Early Middle Ages? The answer will be certainly yes, but will also acknowledge that we lack considerable amounts of relevant data potentially available through state-of-the-art methodologies. One problem is, though, that many times we do not really know the relevant questions we can pose on coins; another is that we still have not figured out the social role of coinage in the aftermath of the Roman Empire. This chapter shows a number of things that could only be known thanks to the analysis of coins. And as its title suggests it will also include some reflections on greed and generosity.


1975 ◽  
Vol 11 ◽  
pp. 41-51 ◽  
Author(s):  
Janet L. Nelson

To know what was generally believed in all ages, the way is to consult the liturgies, not any private man’s writings.’ John Selden’s maxim, which surely owed much to his own pioneering work as a liturgist, shows a shrewd appreciation of the significance of the medieval ordines for the consecration of kings. Thanks to the more recent efforts of Waitz, Eichmann, Schramm and others, this material now forms part of the medievalist’s stock in trade; and much has been written on the evidence which the ordines provide concerning the nature of kingship, and the interaction of church and state, in the middle ages. The usefulness of the ordines to the historian might therefore seem to need no further demonstration or qualification. But there is another side to the coin. The value of the early medieval ordines can be, not perhaps overestimated, but misconstrued. ‘The liturgies’ may indeed tell us ‘what was generally believed’—but we must first be sure that we know how they were perceived and understood by their participants, as well as by their designers. They need to be correlated with other sources, and as often as possible with ‘private writings’ too, before the full picture becomes intelligible.


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