scholarly journals How far west into Asia have Eskimo languages been spoken, and which ones?

2006 ◽  
Vol 28 (2) ◽  
pp. 159-183 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael Fortescue

Abstract It has long been suggested by archaeologists that Eskimo-speaking groups were present along the coasts of northeastern Asia much further west than their present confinement to the tip of the Chukotkan Peninsula suggests. However, little linguistic evidence confirming this has been adduced. The pitfalls of misinterpretation of early word-list materials is illustrated with an examination of the facts and non-facts concerning the so-called Anadyr Eskimos supposed to have been met in the early 19th century far to the west, speaking what looks like the Naukanski language of East Cape. With the availability of new data on recently extinct Kerek, it is possible to put together from the hitherto sparse phonological and lexical data a plausible hypothesis that explains, among other things, certain prosodic features of coastal Chukotian languages in terms of a relatively recent Yupik Eskimo substratum all the way to the Kamchatkan isthmus. These features largely coincide with the areas where the original Chukotian vowel harmony system has broken down, in an almost contiguous coastal strip cutting across major language boundaries. This is set within a broader scenario for the spread of successive waves of Eskimo languages on the Asian side, back from their focal area around Bering Strait during successive phases of Neo-Eskimo culture. An explanation of the origin of Yupik rhythmical stress—and its relationship to peculiarities of the highly aberrant Sirenikski language and to the nature of adjacent Chukotian prosodies—will fall out from this scenario.

Author(s):  
Emily Gasser ◽  
Claire Bowern

Australian languages are famous for their uniform phonological systems. Cross-linguistic surveys of (or including) Australian languages have reinforced this view of Australian inventories and phonotactics. Such uniformity is surprising and unusual given the phylogenetic diversity in the country (28 phylic families). Moreover, although Australianists have assumed that uniformity in phonemic inventory is coupled with unity in phonotactics, this has not been tested.  Here we statistically test the generalizations current in the literature on Australian languages by deriving inventory information from lexical data (rather than grammatical descriptions).  We utilize a comparative database of lexical items from predominantly Pama-Nyungan languages in order to test published generalizations about phoneme inventories, phonotactics, and other phenomena (such as root internal vowel harmony patterns). By using lexical materials to derive inventories and segment frequencies, we are able to assemble a nuanced picture of the diversity of systems present among the languages. Inventory studies confirm, to some degree, the impression of uniformity. However, phoneme frequencies vary substantially across the sample even among languages with similar inventory types. This work is of particular importance to phonological typologies of Australian languages, but it has implications for wider phonological theory as well. The survey used here is the largest comparative database of a single language family. Rarely do we have the opportunity to conduct a large-scale typological investigation of related languages in this way. We also make a contribution to the role of typology in Optimality Theory. A large-scale survey of markedness patterns (in related languages) allows us to study occurring and non-occurring grammars. Finally, we can investigate the predictions of competing theories.


2021 ◽  
Vol 50 (2) ◽  
pp. 285-325
Author(s):  
Sifra Van Acker ◽  
Sara Pacchiarotti ◽  
Edmond De Langhe ◽  
Koen Bostoen

Lexical data has been key in attempts to reconstruct the early history of the banana (Musa sp.) in Africa. Previous language-based approaches to the introduction and dispersal of this staple crop of Asian origin have suffered from the absence of well-established genealogical classifications and inadequate historical-linguistic analysis. We therefore focus in this article on West-Coastal Bantu (WCB), one specific branch within the Bantu family whose genealogy and diachronic phonology are well established. We reconstruct three distinct banana terms to Proto-West-Coastal Bantu (PWCB), i.e. *dɪ̀‑ŋkòndò/*mà‑ŋkòndò ‘plantain’, *dɪ̀‑ŋkò/*mà‑ŋkò ‘plantain’ and *kɪ̀‑túká/*bì‑túká ‘bunch of bananas’. From this new historical-linguistic evidence we infer that AAB Plantains, one of Africa’s two major cultivar subgroups, already played a key role in the subsistence economy of the first Bantu speakers who assumedly migrated south of the rainforest around 2500 years ago. We furthermore analyze four innovations that emerged after WCB started to spread from its interior homeland in the Kasai-Kamtsha region of Congo-Kinshasa towards the Atlantic coast, i.e. dɪ̀‑kòndè ‘plantain’, kɪ̀‑tébè ‘starchy banana’, banga ‘False Horn plantain’, and dɪ̀‑tòtò ‘sweet banana’. Finally, we assess the historical implications of these lexical retentions and innovations both within and beyond WCB and sketch some perspectives for future lexicon-based banana research.


Author(s):  
Anastasia Karlsson ◽  
Güliz Güneş ◽  
Hamed Rahmani ◽  
Sun-Ah Jun

This chapter covers prosodic features of languages across Southwestern, Central, and Northern Asia. One representative language from each of the four main language families is passed in review, Turkish (Turkic), Mongolian (Mongolic), Persian (Indo-European), and Georgian (Kartvelian). Owing to a lack of descriptive coverage of the prosody of languages in Central Asia, no comprehensive surveys are provided. The discussion focuses on the word and sentence prosodic structures of each of the four languages, with occasional brief excursions to related languages. The languages in this area are mainly non-tonal, while contrastive lexical stress is rare across the area, and may be controversial or marginal where it was reported earlier. Vowel harmony is pervasive in Mongolic and Turkic. In all four cases, the discussion includes the expression of focus, whether in the word order or the prosody. A final section is devoted to the intonational expression of interrogativity and related meanings.


Author(s):  
Luca Ciucci

This chapter investigates ‘wordhood’ in Chamacoco, a Zamucoan language with about 2,000 speakers who traditionally inhabit the department of Alto Paraguay in Paraguay. After having examined the concept of ‘word’ in Chamacoco culture and the phonological inventory of the language, this chapter defines the phonological word according to its phonological rules, segmental features, and prosodic features (stress, nasal harmony and vowel harmony). Then, the morphological structure of the main word classes (verbs, nouns and adjectives) is outlined in order to identify the grammatical word and the mismatches between phonological and grammatical word. The latter can consist of one or more phonological words, as for compound subordinators, complex predicates, and instances of reduplication. By contrast, owing to cliticization, one phonological word can comprise two or more grammatical words. Finally, the chapter describes the properties of regular clitics and distinguishes them from morphemes which are independent phonological words frequently undergoing cliticization.


1989 ◽  
Vol 20 (2) ◽  
pp. 201-216
Author(s):  
Ambrose Adikarnkwu Monye

In this study the author provides some linguistic evidence to support his argument that I~!is an autonomous vowel phoneme in the Enuani dialect. First, he uses some minimal pairs to show instances where it contrasts with both lei and la/. In addition, he compares the Enuani vowel harmony set with the eastern Igbo set, pointing out that whereas the fonner has 9 vowel phonemes with the vowel phoneme I~I inclusive, the latter has 8 without it. Finally, he uses unitary words to show instances where I~/, lei, and lal either co-occur or do not co-occur in the Enuani dialect. With the above points he conclusively argues that I~!is a vowel phoneme in the Enuani dialect.


2019 ◽  
Vol 45 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 151-182 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gerhard Jäger

Abstract Computational approaches to historical linguistics have been proposed for half a century. Within the last decade, this line of research has received a major boost, owing both to the transfer of ideas and software from computational biology and to the release of several large electronic data resources suitable for systematic comparative work. In this article, some of the central research topics of this new wave of computational historical linguistics are introduced and discussed. These are automatic assessment of genetic relatedness, automatic cognate detection, phylogenetic inference and ancestral state reconstruction. They will be demonstrated by means of a case study of automatically reconstructing a Proto-Romance word list from lexical data of 50 modern Romance languages and dialects. The results illustrate both the strengths and the weaknesses of the current state of the art of automating the comparative method.


2014 ◽  
Vol 77 (3) ◽  
pp. 467-485
Author(s):  
Aaron D. Rubin

AbstractIn 1836, a British naval surgeon named J.G. Hulton collected lexical data on the Jibbali language spoken on the Omani island of Al-Ḥallaniya (Khuriya Muriya). This is the earliest Jibbali data known to have been collected by a European, and remains today the only published data on the dialect of that island. Wolf Leslau analysed this data (BSOASXII, 1947, pp. 5–19) but Hulton's valuable material can now be reconsidered thanks to recent advances in our understanding of Jibbali and the other Modern South Arabian languages.


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