scholarly journals “Of Slender Frame and Delicate Appearance”: the Placing of Laura Secord in the Narratives of Canadian Loyalist History

2006 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 195-212 ◽  
Author(s):  
Cecilia Morgan

Abstract In late nineteenth-century English Canada, particularly in Ontario, national identity and discourses of loyalty were frequently linked to Canadian history in general and. specifically, the legacy of the War of 1812. The commemoration of this war was especially important for those writers and historians who wished to maintain the country's link to Britain for, during this conflict, the colonial population had supposedly demonstrated their loyalty and devotion to Britain by helping to repulse American attacks. Both "national" historians and those who were members of the local historical societies that emerged in the 1880s wrote about the war and, in particular, male military heroes such as Major-General Isaac Brock. However, during this period a female symbol of national identity and loyalty to Britain also emerged, that of Laura Secord. While both male and female historians were interested in Secord, it was largely through the efforts of Anglo-Celtic, upper- and middle-class women that Secord became a heroine of the War of 1812. Many of these women were firm supporters of imperialism and the maintenance of British traditions in Canada, as well as being active in women's suffrage groups and other, related causes such as temperance. Their celebrations of Secord's walk and the narratives which they constructed about her contribution to Upper Canadian loyalty are significant not only for their recognition of women s contribution to Canadian history; they also help illustrate the relationships of gender, race, and imperialism in Canadian feminist and nationalist discourses.

2018 ◽  
Vol 25 (1) ◽  
pp. 22-33
Author(s):  
Magnus Thor Thorbergsson

During the campaign for Iceland’s independence in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, theatre was considered an important site for the representation of the nation. Emphasis was placed on producing and staging local plays dealing with the nation’s folklore, myths and history, thereby strengthening a sense of the roots of national identity. The article examines the longing for a representation of the nation in late nineteenth-century theatre as well as the attempts of the Reykjavik Theatre Company to stage the nation during theso-called ‘Icelandic Period’ (1907-20), before analyzing the distinctive changes in the company’s repertoire following the decision of the Icelandic parliament to build a national theatre in 1923. The staging of the nation, which had been dominated by nineteenth-century cultural nationalism, took a turn in the late 1920s towards representing the nation as a member of European metropolitan culture through an increased focus on international contemporary drama, bourgeois bedroom farce and classical drama. The image of the modern Icelanders, as represented on the stage in the 1920s, was that of the middle-class bourgeoisie.


2002 ◽  
Vol 30 (1) ◽  
pp. 289-304 ◽  
Author(s):  
Claire Nicolay

THOMAS CARLYLE’S CONTEMPTUOUS DESCRIPTION of the dandy as “a Clothes-wearing Man, a Man whose trade, office, and existence consists in the wearing of Clothes” (313) has survived as the best-known definition of dandyism, which is generally equated with the foppery of eighteenth-century beaux and late nineteenth-century aesthetes. Actually, however, George Brummell (1778–1840), the primary architect of dandyism, developed not only a style of dress, but also a mode of behavior and style of wit that opposed ostentation. Brummell insisted that he was completely self-made, and his audacious self-transformation served as an example for both parvenus and dissatisfied nobles: the bourgeois might achieve upward mobility by distinguishing himself from his peers, and the noble could bolster his faltering status while retaining illusions of exclusivity. Aristocrats like Byron, Bulwer, and Wellington might effortlessly cultivate themselves and indulge their taste for luxury, while at the same time ambitious social climbers like Brummell, Disraeli, and Dickens might employ the codes of dandyism in order to establish places for themselves in the urban world. Thus, dandyism served as a nexus for the declining aristocratic elite and the rising middle class, a site where each was transformed by the dialectic interplay of aristocratic and individualistic ideals.


Author(s):  
Charles W. Eagles

Jim Loewen, a sociologist, and Charles Sallis, a historian, assembled a diverse team of colleagues and students to produce a revisionist ninth-grade Mississippi history textbook. In addition to several disciplines, the group included black and white, male and female, northern and southerner. They drew on earlier tentative interracial contacts led by Ernst Borinski between the black Tougaloo College and the nearby white Millsaps College, both in Jackson, Mississippi. Loewen had published a book on the Mississippi Chinese, and Sallis had written about Mississippi politics in the late nineteenth century.


Author(s):  
Tobias Harper

This chapter examines the creation of new orders at the beginning of the twentieth century, which was the culmination of a prolonged period of “unprecedented honorific inventiveness” starting in the late nineteenth century. In Britain the new Order of the British Empire was branded the “Order of Britain’s Democracy” in recognition of the fact that it extended far deeper into non-elite classes in British society than any previous honour. Between 1917 and 1921 more than 20,000 people in Britain and throughout the British Empire were added to this new Order. This was an unprecedented number, orders of magnitude larger than honours lists in previous years. While the new Order was successful in reaching a wider, more middle-class audience than the honours system before the war, which was socially narrow, there was a substantial backlash to what was widely perceived by elites to be an excessive (and diluting) opening-up of the “fount of honour.” This backlash was connected to political controversies about the sale of honours that eventually helped bring about Lloyd George’s downfall. This chapter also contains a brief description of all the components of the British honours system at the beginning of the twentieth century.


2018 ◽  
Vol 45 (1) ◽  
pp. 70-89 ◽  
Author(s):  
Leanne Calvert

Until the late nineteenth century, apprenticeship was the main way in which young people were trained in crafts and trades. Given that most apprenticeship terms lasted approximately seven years, young people could expect to spend a large part of their youth in service to another. Apprenticeship therefore coincided with an important phase in the life cycle of many young men (and women) during this period. A study of apprenticeship not only tells us how young people learned the skills with which they made their future living, it also casts light on the process of ‘growing up’. However, we still know little about the everyday lives of apprentices, their relationships with their masters, and how young people themselves understood the transition from adolescence to adulthood. Drawing largely on the diary of John Tennent (1772–1813), a grocer’s apprentice who kept a record of his time spent in service, this article aims to broaden our understanding of these themes in eighteenth- and nineteenth-century Ireland. It demonstrates that, for young middle-class men like Tennent, apprenticeship played a key role in the transition from boy to manhood.


Author(s):  
Cara A. Finnegan

This chapter examines how viewers in the late nineteenth century made sense of a photograph of Abraham Lincoln, published by McClure's magazine thirty years after his assassination. Revealed to the American public in 1895, nearly five decades after its creation, the daguerreotype reproduction featured a Lincoln few had seen before: a thirty-something, well-groomed, middle-class gentleman. In order to understand viewers' readings of the Lincoln portrait, the chapter investigates portrait photography in relation to the discourses of phrenology and physiognomy. It shows that viewers treated the Lincoln portrait as a vehicle for the exploration of its subject's character. Based on their responses, the viewers saw in the image not only a Lincoln they recognized physically but one whose psychology and morality they recognized as well. Those who composed responses to the McClure's photograph tapped into powerful myths about Lincoln that circulated during the late nineteenth century.


2013 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 65-94 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jeremy Rich

Atheists are not the first group that comes to mind when one commonly thinks of late nineteenth-century southern Appalachia. Richard Lynch Garner (1848–1920), a self-taught scientist from southwestern Virginia who moved to southern Gabon in 1892, sought to bind together conventional southern middle-class views on race and manhood with religious skepticism. Studies of unbelief in the United States have almost entirely ignored the South as well as the ways that freethinkers engaged with race, thereby leaving out men like Garner. Though Garner drew on northern and midwestern freethinkers like Robert Ingersoll for critiques of Christianity, he also saw himself as a defender of paternal southern views of race from northerners and from Christian missionaries. Still, he distanced himself from other southern agnostics, especially the race-baiting William Cowper Brann, by presenting himself as a fatherly protector of Africans and African Americans. Garner used his observations on Gabonese societies to critique colonialism and missionary work as denials of biological differences between the races. Interestingly, Garner contended that Gabonese spirituality was materialist and lacked a notion of divinity. Ultimately, Garner downplayed his freethinking and his anti-colonialism in his published work—probably to ensure his ability to continue his research in colonial Africa and perhaps to better market himself in the United States.


Urban History ◽  
2003 ◽  
Vol 30 (2) ◽  
pp. 225-250 ◽  
Author(s):  
JAMES R. MOORE

The collapse of the Liberal party was arguably the most dramatic feature of British urban politics in the modern period. Many have argued that a major reason for the party's rapid decline was the defection of its suburban support to the Conservatives. By drawing on examples from Manchester, it is argued here that this process was not universal or inescapable. Liberal ideology could still have a strong appeal to the social and educational aspirations of the suburban middle class and their desire for a more genuinely meritocratic society.


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