scholarly journals Educational Policy in the Post-racial Era: Federal Influence on Local Educational Policy in Hawaii

Paideusis ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 19 (1) ◽  
pp. 59-68
Author(s):  
Clifton S. Tanabe

On March 27, 2008, Newsweek ran an article titled, “Obama’s Postracial Test: How will the Democratic Candidate Deal with Potentially Divisive Ballot Initiatives Calling for an End to Affirmative Action?” And, the August 6, 2008 issue of the New York Times Magazine featured an article titled, “Is Obama the End of Black Politics?” Since then, writers from the right and left have raised and challenged the idea that the election of Barack Obama somehow signals a new, post-racial era and presidency. But what does this mean for Hawaii? With its unique racial diversity and its connection to Obama, might Hawaii somehow represent the first post-racial state? And, does this mean anything for the way education is run in that state? In addressing these questions, this paper looks carefully at the Obama Administration’s recent education initiative called the Race to the Top Fund and examines its implications for education in Hawaii.

2015 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 66 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tamir Levy ◽  
Joseph Yagil

<p class="ber"><span lang="EN-GB">This study investigates the relationship between daily US presidential election poll results and stock returns. The sample consists of the daily presidential election polls published in the New-York Times for the period between May 31 and November 5, 2012. They include the percentage of support for the Democratic candidate, Barack Obama, and the Republican candidate, Mitt Romney. The findings indicate that stock returns are positively related to the poll results that support the candidate favored to win the election.</span></p>


1986 ◽  
Vol 19 (04) ◽  
pp. 832-836
Author(s):  
Charles W. Dunn

Few subjects arouse emotions like religion and politics. And when combined, few subjects raise more obstacles to balanced and objective scholarly analysis. Many strong and competing biases among both religious and political groups together with a scholar's own ideological and religious views may make it difficult to examine dispassionately the issues raised.Jerry Falwell's Moral Majority on the right and Norman Lear's People for the American Way on the left pose perplexing problems for American democracy. Each group speaks fervently with immodest assurance that its views of American democracy is correct.Comments by Aleksandr I. Solzhenitsyn and former Yale University President A. Bartlett Giamatti contrast between these polarized positions. Solzhenitsyn in his 1978 Harvard University commencement address charged that humanism “started Western civilization on the dangerous trend of worshipping man and his material needs. … As humanism in its development was becoming more and more materialistic, it also increasingly allowed its concepts to be used first by socialism and then by communism” (Solzhenitsyn, p. 53). Giamatti, on the other hand, has condemned groups like the Moral Majority by saying they “would sweep before them anyone who holds a different opinion” (The New York Times, September 1, 1981, p. 1).


2017 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 5-34 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marisa A. Abrajano ◽  
Zoltan Hajnal ◽  
Hans J. G. Hassell

AbstractLaboratory studies frequently find that framing changes individual issue positions. But few real-world studies have demonstrated framing induced shifts in aggregate political opinions, let alone political identities. One explanation for these divergent findings is that the competitive nature of most real-world political debates presents multiple frames that cancel each other out. We assess this proposition and the extent of real-world framing by focusing on the issue of immigration, which has been framed in largely negative terms by the media. Specifically, we assess the connection between New York Times coverage of immigration and aggregate white partisanship over the last three decades. We find that negative framing on immigration is associated with shifts toward the Republican Party—the Party linked with anti-immigrant positions. This suggests that under the right circumstances, framing can alter core political predispositions and shape the partisan balance of power.


2021 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 134-145
Author(s):  
Yakub Hendrawan Perangin Angin ◽  
Tri Astuti Yeniretnowati

Dr. Rick Warren adalah Gembala pendiri Gereja Saddleback di California dengan anggota jemaat 30.000 dan pengajar di berbagai kampus seperti Oxford, Cambridge, Harvard, University of Judaism. Buku ini sudah terjual lebih dari 32 juta dan merupakan Bestselling Author disematkan oleh #1 New York Times. Di Indonesia diterbitkan oleh Immanuel, Jakarta di tahun 2021 dengan cetakan 15, jumlah halaman 419. Dengan lisensi lebih dari 85 bahasa, The Purpose Driven Life memandu pembaca untuk menjalani perjalanan rohani selama 42 hari yang akan mengantar pada tiga isu yang terpenting dalam kehidupan seorang Kristen, yaitu: Pertama, Mengapa aku hidup?. Kedua, Apakah hidupku penting?. Ketiga, Untuk apa aku ada di dunia ini?. Buku ini sangat relevan bagi orang yang terus mencari jawaban untuk apa tujuan hidup selama menumpang di bumi ini, terlebih pada siatuasi kondisi masa pandemic Covid-19 ini, bagi orang yang merindukan jawaban arti makna hidupnya setelah membaca buku ini paling tidak akan mendapatkan lima manfaat, yaitu: Pertama, Akan mendapatkan penjelasan arti dari hidup. Kedua, Akan mendapat tuntunan bahwa hidup ini sederhana. Ketiga, Akan membuat hidup menjadi fokus yang benar. Keempat, Akan membuat hidup dijalani dengan semakin termotivasi. Kelima, Akan membantu orang percaya untuk memasuki kekekalan yaitu kehidupan yang finishing well. Dr. Rick Warren is the founding Pastor of Saddleback Church in California with a congregation of 30,000 members and teaches at various campuses such as Oxford, Cambridge, Harvard, University of Judaism. The book has sold over 32 million copies and is the #1 New York Times Bestselling Author. In Indonesia, published by Immanuel, Jakarta in 2021 with concrete 15, the number of pages 419. With licenses of more than 85 languages, The Purpose Driven Life guides readers to undergo a spiritual journey for 42 days that will lead to the three most important issues in the life of a Christian, namely: First, Why am I alive?. Second, is it important?. Third, why am I in this world? This book is very relevant for people who continue to look for answers to what is the purpose of living while on this earth, first in the current situation of the Covid-19 pandemic, for people whose answers to the meaning of life after reading this book will at least get five benefits, namely : First, Will get an explanation of the meaning of life. Second, Will get guidance that life is simple. Third, Will make life the right focus. Fourth, Will be a life lived by sales. Fifth, Will help believers to enter eternity i.e. a well-finished life.


PEDIATRICS ◽  
1978 ◽  
Vol 62 (6) ◽  
pp. 1090-1090
Author(s):  
Maria I. New

This is the report of a conference held December 6 through 9, 1977, at the Kroc Foundation headquarters in Santa Ynez, California. The Lawson Wilkins Pediatric Endocrine Society and the National Institute of Child Health and Human Development cosponsored the meeting with the Foundation. The conference was conceived at a time when prescribing estrogens had become controversial among physicians and the public. The treatment of tall girls to limit growth was sufficiently newsworthy to appear as an article in the New York Times Magazine. The occurrence of adenocarcinoma in the daughters of women treated prenatally with diethylstilbestrol was the subject of congressional hearings. It seemed the right time to bring together experts on the risks and benefits of prescribing estrogens to analyze what was known on the subject and to make recommendations on the use of estrogens in treating the young. The publication includes the presentations at the conference, reports of the general discussions, and a summation of conclusion and recommendations. An article is included by Dr. Zev Rosenwaks and colleagues that was not presented but seemed appropriate to the symposium. The reports of the general discussion were made by Dr. Allan Root, University of South Florida. The final summation was drafted by a committee composed of Drs. Conte, Crawford, Gurpide, Levine, New, and Root, and was submitted for comment to all the participants. Carole Bergstein was copy editor. I wish to thank all these people for their help.


1959 ◽  
Vol 53 (1) ◽  
pp. 128-137 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bernard Morris

On one thing the Soviet and Yugoslav Communists agree: “national communism” is a contradiction in terms. “The very expression ‘national communism’,” say the Soviet theoreticians, “is a logical absurdity. By itself communism is really international and it cannot be conceived otherwise.” Tito was just as emphatic when he told New York Times commentator, C. L. Sulzberger, that “national communism doesn't exist. Yugoslav Communists too are internationalists.”That the Soviet and Yugoslav positions appear to agree on this point is no accident. Marxist theory has never acknowledged a genuine alternative to socialism or capitalism, and socialism was a profoundly international idea. But in its effort to abolish national strife, create a world-wide economic and social order, and establish political and social internationalism, the socialist movement had to start within the framework of the nation-state. In practice, therefore, socialism was mainly a national affair. The gulf between the necessary national starting point of the socialist movement and its international ideal was, to put it mildly, considerable. Though the international working class solidarity of the Communist Manifesto has been emptied of plausibility by the events of the last hundred years—not least of all by the abandonment in practice of internationalism in 1914 by the socialist movement—internationalism is a fetish to which even the right-wing socialist makes his obeisance.


2019 ◽  
Vol 34 (1) ◽  
pp. 22-42
Author(s):  
Thibault Biscahie

In December 2015, Prime Minister Trudeau claimed in The New York Times Magazine that Canada was ‘the first postnational state’, adding that there was ‘no core identity, no mainstream in Canada’. What does this notion of ‘postnationalism’ exactly encompass? And why did Justin Trudeau choose to use it instead of the more traditional term ‘multiculturalism’? This article contends that the notion of postnationalism is a rhetorical fallacy that conceals the rich distinctiveness of the Canadian identity, while denying the multiple and fierce claims for sovereignty that are observable nationwide. Beyond the merely anecdotal character of Trudeau’s assertion, this postnational claim should be contextualized within a rich field of enquiry concerned with transnational social relations, and the impact that these new cultural practices and social relationships have on forms of belonging and governance. This article argues that ‘postnational’ does not seem to be the right terminology to designate Canada’s contemporary ethnic, linguistic, religious and cultural diversity. Beyond the dated mosaic label, and the chimeric postnational one, the inclusive terms ‘plurinationalism’, which continues to emphasize diversity along the vector of the nation, and ‘multiversality’, which underscore the diversity of vectors of difference, would arguably constitute more pertinent descriptions takes.


Author(s):  
Nancy Shute

“Don't pick the hard stories, sweetheart,” an editor told me long, long ago. “Those are the ones that will break your heart.” Nonsense, I thought. I was young and ambitious and eager to chase a story through multiple all-nighters. He was old and wily and appreciated those stories that would glide through the copy desk and get him home in time for a glass of scotch and dinner with the family. Now, more than 20 years after getting that good advice, I too appreciate the easy stories. But I'm still trying for the hard ones. Every few years, if I'm lucky, I manage to pull one off. When I do, the small, secret joy of having done so sustains me through months of too-short deadlines and too-tight space. In thinking about what elevates a story from okay to prizewinner, from another day at the office to the top of the clip file, I think again about that long-ago editor, a grizzled veteran of the Saturday Evening Post. Don't try to be different, he said. Write about what everyone else is writing about. Those are the big stories, the ones that matter. And he was right. In covering science and medicine, we're blessed with big stories galore. Cloning, cancer, Mars exploration, anthrax, the Big Bang, climate change, nanotechnology, heart disease—it's birth, death, creation, the meaning of life. If that can't get you on page Ai, what can? But that very abundance, and the flood of data that bears those stories along, make it all too tempting to settle for the easy get—to write off the journals, take your lead from the New York Times, and get by. A great story demands more. I like to think of journalism as bricklaying—a noble craft, but a craft all the same. To build a wall, I need bricks. To build a noble wall, I need the best bricks ever. Facts are the bricks of a story, and finding the right bricks requires serious reporting. I can't say that exhaustive research and reporting will guarantee a great story, but I've never been able to pull one off without it.


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