scholarly journals Rivalitas Cina dan Jepang dalam Institusi Regional Asia Timur

2015 ◽  
Vol 16 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Nuri Widiastuti Veronica

East Asia has been widely known as the arena for geopolitical contestation between the great players and has been called as 'the grand chessboard' for geopolitical struggles, especially for the two regional powers, Japan and China. These two powers possess huge potentials to become the driving actors for the formation of regional mechanisms in East Asia, such as East Asian Community (EAC) dan China-ASEAN Free Trade Area. Economic cooperation between China and Japan in some regional forums brings hopes to end the long-term tensions and prospects for reconciliation among them. However, the interdependence between them does not simultaneously change the influence contestation and competition, especially for these past decades. This paper will try to answer a question about the form of competition between Japan and China in the context of regional institution in East Asia. By using theoretical approach of rivalry on interdependency, this paper try to analyze the roles of the two great powers in multilateral forums in East Asia, how those roles reflect their competition and what obstacles are heading their ways to be the "leader" in East Asia regional forums.

Author(s):  
M. Potapov

The East Asia region had survived the global economic crisis of 2008–2009. However, the general slowdown in the region indicates many structural problems. The Chinese economy actively switches to the domestic market, giving priority to domestic investment and consumer demand in the maintenance of the economic growth. The development of integration processes in East Asia leaves open the question of the formation of a region-wide free trade area. East Asia is capable to retain the role of economic growth locomotive, moving towards the level of post-industrial development.


2010 ◽  
Vol 36 (04) ◽  
pp. 931-949 ◽  
Author(s):  
DIRK NABERS

AbstractThe article inquires into the conditions of effective leadership of states in international politics, and develops a framework for the study of so-called (new) regional powers such as Brazil, China, India, and South Africa in processes of regional institution-building. Various theoretical strands will be discussed as to the requirements of effective leadership in international affairs. Most importantly, the relationship between power, leadership and hegemony will be outlined. It is argued that the connection between leadership and hegemony is one of co-constitution. Leadership is necessarily based on hegemony, while hegemony can only be sustained through leadership. Furthermore, it will be shown that both leadership and hegemony are essentially political in character, whereas power has no such insinuation but has to be translated into leadership and hegemony through discursive means. Finally, the analysis asks for the preconditions of leadership in East Asia, using China's and Japan's roles in East Asian regionalism as an illustration.


2015 ◽  
Vol 35 (2) ◽  
pp. 93-118
Author(s):  
Kwong Chi Man

This article looks at the role of the British Royal Navy during the First Sino-Japanese War of 1894–1895. Although the British government decided to stay neutral and work with Russia to mediate between Japan and China, the presence of the China Station of the Royal Navy played a subtle role in influencing the strategies adopted by China and Japan. However, as the British government underestimated its own naval power and possibly overestimated that of its potential opponents, the China Station played only a limited role to protect British interest. As a result, Russia used a much weaker fleet to achieve its territorial and political goals, while Britain was forced to increase its military and naval investment in East Asia. The result of the war was the opposite of the intention of the British government, namely to maintain stability in the area and check the spread of Russian influence.


2011 ◽  
Vol 26 (1) ◽  
pp. 77-96
Author(s):  
Sohn Yul

This article explores the dynamics of competition by means of soft power among two key regional states, China and Japan. It demonstrates that, in their embrace of regionalism, each has concentrated soft power on East Asian neighbors by competitively proposing regional visions that would best position it in the regional leadership stakes. China took the initiative, Japan responded quickly, and China is now striking back. This does not necessarily mean that the liberal claim that East Asia is "ripe for cooperation" is misplaced. Nor does it suggest that the realist claim of "ripe for rivalry" better represents the reality. Rather, this article argues that regional powers compete in order to attract neighbors. Since this contest involves embracing others, it is not necessarily a zero-sum game. This article evaluates the success, or lack thereof, of the two countries` efforts in order to learn what they imply for Korea.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Edward Asiedu

The COVID-19 pandemic has caused nontrivial disruptions to global value chains and affected the lives of many people, particularly the poor across the world. The outbreak of the COVID-19 pandemic in the early part of 2020 in Africa, happened during a time that African countries had just signed one of the world’s largest trade agreements and therefore began introducing continental-level structures to strengthen free trade among member states. This chapter examines the potential effect of the COVID-19 pandemic on the agenda for free trade in Africa, both in the short and in the long-term. Specifically, the chapter explores the trading environment of firms in Africa and highlights generally the challenges faced when implementing a trade agreement in the middle of a pandemic. It also, on the other hand, highlights how trade agreement in a middle of a pandemic can be a good thing to minimize the effect of the pandemic on poor and vulnerable households in Africa. The chapter ends by highlighting the need for managing the COVID-19 pandemic to grow and sustain intra-African trade.


2007 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 64-78
Author(s):  
Marco Montanari

The EU has recently launched the European Neighbourhood Policy, aimed at fostering integration with countries located close to its borders. This article proposes a liberal intergovernmentalist framework for the analysis of Ukraine's prospects of integration with the EU and apply it to evaluate the main economic and political benefits and costs associated to three possible scenarios: free trade area, fully developed European Neighbourhood Policy and EU accession. Two main conclusions can be drawn. Firstly, gains from integration would be asymmetrically distributed and would mostly accrue to Ukraine, whilst the main obstacles to integration would not be economic, but political. Secondly, the European Neighbourhood Policy does not represent a credible long-term alternative to EU membership for Ukraine; thus the outcome of the integration process should probably consist either in the mere creation of a free trade area or in EU accession.


2004 ◽  
Vol 53 (4) ◽  
pp. 935-967 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lay Hong Tan

The raison d'être of ASEAN was a political one,1 to secure the region's peace, stability, and development. Against all odds, the founding members, namely, Indonesia, Malaysia, the Philippines, Singapore, and Thailand signed the ASEAN Declaration on 8 August 1967. Brunei was admitted in January 1984, Vietnam in 1995, which was followed closely by Laos and Myanmar in 1997. Thirty-two years later, on 30 April 1999, ASEAN formally encompassed all ten countries of South-East Asia by admitting Cambodia.2


2021 ◽  
Vol 13 (01) ◽  
pp. 80-93
Author(s):  
Ahmad RAMEZANI ◽  
Yahya KAMALI

Research findings show that China and Japan realise the utility of regime-building with ASEAN, so both have started to build trust with ASEAN since 1997. ASEAN established the ASEAN–China Free Trade Area with China and the ASEAN–Japan Comprehensive Economic Partnership with Japan in 2010 and 2008, respectively, and bilaterally, both sides gained mutual benefits from interdependence. However, China–ASEAN increasing cooperation is a state of asymmetric dependence in favour of China and the changing Japan–ASEAN cooperation is not so symmetrical.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
King Carl Tornam Duho ◽  
Bonou Senan Charlie Carine

Climate change continues to be a critical issue of concern across the globe. In Africa, the vulnerability and exposure to climate risk are very high although African countries do not contribute to emissions as compared with developing countries in other continents. We argued that to effectively achieve the low carbon and climate-resilient development, Africa must use appropriate diversified financial instruments, have a long-term plan, implement a systemic approach and provide support based on each country’s needs. We also explore some critical issues on climate finance, carbon pricing and other related issues within a lens of an Africa which is making strides towards a continent-wide free trade area.


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