Two Asias?

Author(s):  
Wang Dong

This chapter addresses the impact of the rise of China on the growing U.S.–China regional competition. The rise of the Chinese economy has challenged U.S. market dominance in East Asia. In regional security affairs, China has also achieved noticeable gains vis-à-vis the United States; however, its strategic rise remains in its early stages. This distinction between the region's economic and strategic structure has created a great power dual structure in East Asia comprising an “Economic Asia” and a “Security Asia.” China has improved its economic presence in the region, promoting regionwide cooperation within Chinese-led institutions. In security affairs, it has also developed a more proactive policy, but it simultaneously acknowledges the United States as the region's dominant strategic power.

This book demonstrates how structural and domestic variables influence how East Asian states adjust their strategy in light of the rise of China, including how China manages its own emerging role as a regional great power. The book notes that the shifting regional balance of power has fueled escalating tensions in East Asia and suggests that adjustment challenges are exacerbated by the politics of policymaking. International and domestic pressures on policymaking are reflected in maritime territorial disputes and in the broader range of regional security issues created by the rise of China. Adjusting to power shifts and managing a new regional order in the face of inevitable domestic pressure, including nationalism, is a challenging process. Both the United States and China have had to adjust to China's expanded capabilities. China has sought an expanded influence in maritime East Asia; the United States has responded by consolidating its alliances and expanding its naval presence in East Asia. The region's smaller countries have also adjusted to the rise of China. They have sought greater cooperation with China, even as they try to sustain cooperation with the United States. As China continues to rise and challenge the regional security order, the chapters consider whether the region is destined to experience increased conflict and confrontation.


Author(s):  
Chung-In Moon

This chapter looks at South Korea's response to the rise of China. It establishes South Korea's growing dependence on the Chinese economy and its growing cooperation with China to manage North Korean belligerence. The rise of China creates strategic pressure on South Korea both to accommodate Chinese interests and to maintain defense cooperation with the United States, and that this policy challenge is exacerbated by politically significant anti-Japanese nationalism in South Korea. The result has been significant South Korean policy instability. The policy swings in South Korea's maneuvering between the United States and China from the government of Roh Moo-hyun to that of Lee Myung-bak and then to Park Geun-hye reveal the difficulty that great power competition during a power transition imposes on a small country.


2017 ◽  
pp. 10-12 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marijk Van der Wende

Globalization has strongly influenced higher education during the last decades. As in many other sectors, this has generated contradictory outcomes. Higher education has opened up to the world and become more engaged at the global level. But how will this process continue with the current backlash against globalization in Europe and the United States, and what will be the impact of other major geopolitical trends such as the rise of China?


2009 ◽  
Vol 35 (1) ◽  
pp. 95-112 ◽  
Author(s):  
MARK BEESON

AbstractThe ‘rise of China’ is seen by some observers as a precursor of inevitable hegemonic competition in East Asia. At the very least, it seems likely that China’s influence in East Asia will grow at the expense of the United States. Whether this will eventually amount to a form of ‘hegemonic transition’ is far less clear. It is, therefore, an opportune moment to consider the relative strengths and weaknesses of China and the US in East Asia. This paper suggests that the nature of hegemonic competition and transition is more uncertain and complex than some of the most influential theoretical understandings of hegemony would have us believe.


2008 ◽  
Vol 32 (3) ◽  
pp. 113-157 ◽  
Author(s):  
Evelyn Goh

The small and medium-sized states in Southeast Asia have faced significant geostrategic changes with the end of the Cold War and the rise of China. Over the last decade, scholars have debated how these countries would cope with growing Chinese power, and how their relations with the other major powers in the region would change. Some analysts have suggested that the region is shifting toward a more China-centered order, but this view is premature. Eschewing the simple dichotomy of balancing versus bandwagoning, Southeast Asian countries do not want to choose between the two major powers, the United States and China. This avoidance strategy is not merely tactical or time-buying; instead, Southeast Asian states have actively tried to influence the shape of the new regional order. Key Southeast Asian states are pursuing two main pathways to order in the region: the “omni-enmeshment” of major powers and complex balance of influence. They have helped to produce an interim power distribution outcome, which is a hierarchical regional order that retains the United States' dominant superpower position while incorporating China in a regional great power position just below that of the United States.


2017 ◽  
pp. 10
Author(s):  
Marijk Van der Wende

Globalization has strongly influenced higher education during the last decades. As in many other sectors, this has generated contradictory outcomes. Higher education has opened up to the world and become more engaged at the global level. But how will this process continue with the current backlash against globalization in Europe and the United States, and what will be the impact of other major geopolitical trends such as the rise of China?


Author(s):  
Øystein Tunsjø

This concluding chapter offers thoughts regarding the rise of China and the prospects for U.S.–China cooperation and regional stability. There is considerable uncertainty regarding China's long-term trajectory. In 2014–15, China's economic growth rate was in decline and institutional reforms and macroeconomic rebalancing continued to pose significant challenges to China's leaders. Similarly, there is uncertainty regarding the United States' ability to reduce its national debt and restrain its intervention in local conflicts outside of East Asia. But should China continue to rise and the United States sustain its ability to contend over the regional order, the competition between the two nations will intensify. The great powers, in their effort to defend their regional security interests, will shape the East Asian order and the prospects for war and peace.


Author(s):  
Robert S. Ross ◽  
Øystein Tunsjø Ross ◽  
Tunsjø Tunsjø

This introductory chapter focuses on the underlying sources of these recent challenges to the regional order; the implications of these developments for China, the United States and the region's smaller states; and the challenges these states have encountered in developing policy responses that contribute to both their national security and regional stability. Scholars understand that the most significant factor contributing to heightened regional instability has been the rise of China. Although China has yet to catch up to the United States in security affairs and its future is uncertain, it is clear that after nearly thirty-five years of economic growth and military modernization, China now plays a more significant role in East Asian economic and strategic orders and poses a greater challenge to U.S leadership.


Author(s):  
I. Danilin

The “technological war” between the United States and China that started in 2017–2018 raises a number of questions about the future role of technological development as a factor in relations between superpowers. Analysis shows that for the United States this conflict is caused by changing balance of risks and benefits of the liberal model of globalization due to the rise of China`s power and growing geopolitical tensions between the two nations. In this context, emerging, especially digital, technologies appear to be a new battlefield between superpowers. Within the realist framework, actors consider emerging technologies as a key factor for strengthening their global postures. This, among other things, contributes to securitized technological agenda and strengthens its geopolitical dimension. Neo-technonationalism has become the platform that integrates different processes and goals into new U.S. policy. Although historically neo-technonationalism took its roots in Asia, the evolving market situation prompted the United States to rethink existing approaches and to upgrade the techno-nationalist dimension of its policy. Considering similar policies of China and the EU (i. e. the European digital sovereignty policy), this trend shapes new realities of technological “blocs”, the struggle for expansion of technological platforms, and technological conflicts. Taking into account prospective development needs of the global economy and future specification of mutual interest areas, as new digital technologies mature, the ground for normalizing the dialogue between the superpowers will emerge. However, at least in the U.S.–China case, this issue will be complicated by geopolitical contradictions that leave little room for any serious compromise.


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