Introduction

Author(s):  
Stephen Badalyan Riegg

This chapter explores Russia's political encounter with Armenians from its expansion into the South Caucasus in 1801 to its fateful entrance into the First World War in 1914. It argues that Russia tried to harness the stateless and dispersed Armenian diaspora to build its empire in the Caucasus and beyond. The chapter also talks about how the tsars relied on the stature of the two most influential institutions of the Armenian diaspora, the merchantry and the clergy, to accomplish several goals. It provides a background of Russia's project of diplomatic power from Constantinople to the Caspian Sea, economic benefits of Russia, Persia, and the Ottoman Empire from the Armenian merchant's transimperial trade networks, and political advantage taken from the Armenian Church's extensive authority within far-flung Armenian communities. The period discussed in this book follows the evolution of “Russian” perceptions of “Armenians” alongside the dual processes of tsarist empire-building and Armenian nation-building.

2021 ◽  
Vol 69 (08) ◽  
pp. 7-14
Author(s):  
Джамиля Яшар гызы Рустамова ◽  

The article is dedicated to the matter of Turkish prisoners on the Nargin Island in the Caspian Sea during the First World War. According to approximate computations, there were about 50-60 thousand people of Turkish captives in Russia. Some of them were sent to Baku because of the close location to the Caucasus Front and from there they were sent to the Nargin Island in the Caspian Sea. As time showed it was not the right choise. The Island had no decent conditions for living and turned the life of prisoners into the hell camp. Hastily built barracks contravene meet elementary standards, were poorly heated and by the end of the war they were not heated at all, water supply was unsatisfactory, sometimes water was not brought to the prisoner's several days. Bread was given in 100 grams per person per day, and then this rate redused by half. Knowing the plight of the prisoners, many citizens of Baku as well as the Baku Muslim Charitable Society and other charitable societies provided moral and material support to prisoners, they often went to the camp, brought food, clothes, medicines Key words: World War I, prisoners of war, Nargin Island, refugees, incarceration conditions, starvation, charity


Author(s):  
George Gotsiridze

The work discusses the legacy of the First World War - its positive and negative sides - which played an important role in the formation of the world processes in the post-war period and still preserves its viability.The actuality of the problem is backed by the fact that the relationship of the Trans-caucasian countries with the outer world is still problematic nowadays. We witness how the world’s political and economic map is changing and technical-scientific progress is tangible. In the conditions of the accelerated global processes, a general political, economic and cultural area is being formed, and a new world order is being formed with its difficulties, social catastrophes or cataclysms, conflicts, divergence and integration. At this time, it is of utmost importance to analyze historical problems from the past and seek ways to resolve them in the political relations of the South Caucasus, as in their attitude towards the outside world, understanding that unity is a necessary guarantee of strengthening the statehood of each country and that the perception of the Transcaucasia by the rest of the world as a unified political and economic sphere will simplify the Euro - Atlantic integration. The issue is discussed from the new humanitarian perspectives, which gives us the opportunity to determine the national verticals from experience received centuries ago, around which local or regional political consciousness should be unified in order to satisfy the national interests of each country in the Transcaucasia through closer cooperation.


Author(s):  
George Gotsiridze

The work discusses the legacy of the First World War - its positive and negative sides - which played an important role in the formation of the world processes in the post-war period and still preserves its viability.The actuality of the problem is backed by the fact that the relationship of the Transcaucasian countries with the outer world is still problematic nowadays. We witness how the world’s political and economic map is changing and technical-scientific progress is tangible. In the conditions of the accelerated global processes, a general political, economic and cultural area is being formed, and a new world order is being formed with its difficulties, social catastrophes or cataclysms, conflicts, divergence and integration. At this time, it is of utmost importance to analyze historical problems from the past and seek ways to resolve them in the political relations of the South Caucasus, as in their attitude towards the outside world, under-standing that unity is a necessary guarantee of strengthening the statehood of each country and that the perception of the Transcaucasia the rest of the world as a unified political and economic sphere will simplify the Euro Atlantic integration. The issue is discussed from the new humanitarian perspectives, which gives us the opportunity to determine the national verticals from experience received centuries ago, around which local or regional political consciousness should be unified in order to satisfy the national interests of each country in the Transcaucasia through closer cooperation.


2020 ◽  
pp. 172-180
Author(s):  
Elena Bagina ◽  
Margarita Arustamyan

The master plan of Yerevan created in 1924 by Alexander Tamanyan and Nikolay Buniatyan is a reflection of the military-political situation prevailing in Armenia after the First World War, the genocide of 1915, the revolutions in Turkey and Russia, the social illusions of the Armenian diaspora and political parties that set out to create an independent Republic of Armenia as a center for the preservation of Armenian culture. The change in the “client” of this project and the political plans did not affect the idea of a “garden city” and the planning principles laid down by Tamanyan. The activities of the Armenian Assistance Committee made it possible to realize the ideas of the master plan.


2021 ◽  
pp. 95-112
Author(s):  
Alexander D. Barder

The centenary of the genocide of the Ottoman Armenians was commemorated in 2015 by the worldwide Armenian diaspora community, as well as within Armenia itself. This chapter critically examines the ways in which the memory of the genocide of the Armenians has been framed in terms of race, with Western observers from 1915 on applying racialized discourses to the Ottomans and the events of the Armenian genocide. The chapter considers the evolution of notions of “racial extermination” and racial incompatibility and incommensurability in the era of imperialism prior to and during the First World War, and draws attention to the nexus between imperial revisionism, global politics, and genocidal racial violence. Finally, the chapter considers the links between the Armenian genocide and the genocidal politics of the Nazi regime.


Author(s):  
Alexander Vatlin

. The 1917 Russian Revolution made fundamental adjustments to the course of the First World War at its final stage. The Brest-Litovsk Treaty was supposed to deliver Germany from the Eastern Front, but instead, it put the question of finding a modus vivendi with the new political regime in Russia. The continuation of the German expansion in the territory of the former Russian Empire, the support of the newly formed limitrophe states, financial claims, and the problem of repatriation of prisoners required the development of a legal framework for bilateral relations. At the end of May 1918, the preparation of the Supplementary Treaty began in Berlin. It was concluded only on August 27, 1918. The Soviet envoy in Berlin, A.A. Ioffe, while aiming at the implementation of Lenin's concept of “respite”, was forced to integrate Soviet Russia into the system of international relations generated by the Brest-Litovsk Treaty. During the negotiations, the fate of the territories from the Barents Sea to the Caspian Sea, as well as the prospects for cooperation between the two powers were discussed: from military cooperation against the Entente to countering the Turkish expansion in the Transcaucasus. A special role was played by the financial nuances of the obligations assumed by the parties. The Bolsheviks’ participation in the new round of secret diplomacy was a deviation from the principles they had previously adhered to. Unlike Brest, where Soviet diplomats were forced to accept the winner's ultimatum, the contents of the Supplementary Treaty and the secret notes to it indicate their efforts to achieve the reconstruction of the Russia of the future and its sphere of geopolitical influence. The end of World War I saved the Brest system from being stress-tested, but some aspects of these agreements remained important in the following years, determining the place of Soviet Russia in the world of the interwar period. This article analyzes three secret notes, which specified the most important provisions of the Supplementary Treaty, including joint military actions against the Entente. The notes are published in Russian for the first time.


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