The Shining of the Sabers

Author(s):  
Stephen Badalyan Riegg

This chapter highlights the rise of a diverse Armenian nationalist sentiment in the last decades of the nineteenth century. It describes the manifestations that Russian officials lumped under the label “Armenian nationalism,” which took on multiple forms and were not always distinct to Romanov imperial agents that struggled to discern and disarm the various Armenian political agendas. It also demonstrates, in the last two decades of the nineteenth century, the Russo-Armenian symbiosis that faltered in the tempest of Russian reactionism and Armenian nationalism. The chapter analyzes the tsarist responses to Armenian nationalism under the rule of Tsar Alexander III. In order to grasp the bases of St. Petersburg's unprecedented measures toward Armenians in the 1880s and 1890s, the chapter provides an overview of the new tsar's political ideology.

2005 ◽  
Vol 37 (1) ◽  
pp. 37-55 ◽  
Author(s):  
Debra H. Sowell

In Romanticism and Post-Modernism, Edward Larrissy states, “It has long been recognized that Romanticism is a dubious essence” (1999, 2). Observing that the current tendency is to acknowledge a plurality of “Romanticisms,” he cites Arthur O. Lovejoy's article, “On the discrimination of Romanticisms,” originally published in 1924, in which Lovejoy argued that the term had taken on such a multiplicity of meanings that “we should learn to use the word ‘Romanticism’ in the plural” (1948, 235). Acknowledging multiple schools of Romanticism constitutes more than a “post-modern piece of de-essentialising,” according to Larrissy; it recognizes that the literary and artistic creations of the Romantic era were too varied to submit to “a unified Romantic discourse” (1999, 2). Lovejoy's thesis, so widely accepted in literary circles, holds promise for dance scholars working with repertory from the Romantic era that lies outside the mainstream of “dance history” as traditionally viewed from the perspective of the Paris Opéra. Embracing the possibility of multiple forms of “Romanticism” in the nineteenth-century ballet allows us to attach meaning to the balletic repertory of that era as it varied according to national setting and individual choreographer.


2020 ◽  
pp. 1-23
Author(s):  
Charles Barbour

This paper is the first substantial investigation in English or German of the work and career of the student of Jacob Fries, leader of the Burschenschaften, educational reformer, and professor of philosophy and law Karl Hermann Scheidler. It examines Scheidler's interventions into political and constitutional debates during the German Vormärz and argues that he developed a unique brand of liberal corporatism that has been overlooked or misunderstood by intellectual historians—one that attempts to bridge the gap between eighteenth-century natural law and nineteenth-century political nationalism by defending the corporate autonomy of the churches and universities, and by promoting a combination of public virtue and moral perfection that he dubbed “political Protestantism.” It emphasizes Scheidler's polemical articles against the “Hegel school” and the “New Hegelians” in Rotteck's and Welcker's Staats-Lexikon. It proposes that a detailed examination of Scheidler's work provides a clearer understanding of how liberalism emerged as a distinct political ideology during the Vormärz and how one strand of German liberalism defined itself against Hegelianism.


Author(s):  
Elizabeth Chang

This chapter argues that a comparative lack of British interest in traditional Chinese gardens during the period 1880-1914, often interpreted as evidence of Japan’s more ready appeal, obscures the complexity of organic exchange going on between Britain and East Asia at this time. Celebrated plant hunters were launching daring expeditions into unexplored Western China; those plants, upon importation, were so successfully and quickly naturalized that they became evidence of the landscape conformity that Japanese designs were held to resist. What’s more, even as these plant hunters were publishing their travel narratives for a broad audience, select British readers were absorbing a very different view of Chinese gardens through the outré works of French and British writers. Spurred by the retranslation of Thomas De Quincey’s works into French, late nineteenth-century French decadents found inspiration in the same provocative elements of Chinese behavior and landscape that British Romantics had found a century before. Octave Mirbeau’s The Torture Garden was read and appreciated by Oscar Wilde, among others, and formed a part of a larger fin-de-siècle European reconsideration of the East. It is the combination of the multiple forms of the Eastern garden that provide a new way of understanding aesthetic internationalism.


Author(s):  
Mark Philp ◽  
Eduardo Posada-Carbó

Liberalism was the most powerful emergent political ideology across early nineteenth-century southern Europe (this chapter does not deal with the Ottoman world). There was more support for ‘freedom’ and ‘liberal’ values than for ‘democracy’. Liberalism indeed initially aimed to realize some democratic aspirations, while averting the worst features of French revolutionary experience. Liberal revolutionaries of the 1820s advocated extensive political participation to support effective nation-building. But during the 1830s, the form of liberalism associated with the French Doctrinaires became ascendant; in this view, political skills were found only among people of ‘capacity’; the preferred form of representative government was one restricting political rights to higher taxpayers. Politically active people calling themselves ‘democrats’ (as became more common from this time) usually operated from within liberal ranks but were critical of narrow versions of this creed: the democratic cause gained new definition and point in this context.


Author(s):  
DAUD ALI

Colonial scholars and administrators in the latter half of the nineteenth century were the first to subject South Asia to modern historicist scrutiny. Using coins, inscriptions, and chronicles, they determined the dates and identities of numerous kings and dynasties within an apparently scrupulous empiricist framework. From the 1930s, with the widespread rise of nationalist sentiment, South Asian scholars began to write about their own past. The particular configurations of colonial and early nationalist historiography of South Asia have proved immensely consequential for subsequent generations of historians. Not only did this historiography value certain types of evidence, particularly Indic language epigraphy, Persian chronicles, and archaeology (while at the same time devaluing others like literature and religious texts), it set some of the enduring thematic and topical parameters which have shaped the course of the field. The initial focus was on the careers and personalities of rulers or the genius of races as the key causative forces in history, but eventually dynastic history became the dominant mode of writing about the past.


2021 ◽  
Vol 53 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Hala Auji

This article takes up a material analysis of a set of eleven nineteenth-century Arabic broadsides entitled Nafir Suriyya, published in Beirut by Syrian intellectual Butrus al-Bustani from 1860-1861. Produced in response to the civil wars of 1860 in Mount Lebanon and Damascus (in the Ottoman Syrian provinces), when intercommunal conflicts occurred between different confessional groups, these publications called for unity and cooperation amongst these communities through the framework of patriotism and one's love of the homeland. These broadsides have thus played an important role in twentieth and twenty-first century scholarship on early nationalist sentiment, particularly a Syro-Lebanese political identity, amongst Arabic-speaking Ottoman denizens. This article takes up a material analysis of Nafir Suriyya, a rare set of eleven printed Arabic broadsides produced between 1860-1861 in Ottoman Beirut, to consider the wider cultural and socio-political implications of this medium in relationship to other print media in circulation within the Ottoman public domain.


Author(s):  
P De Klerk

Two historians, GD Scholtz and H Giliomee, have written extensively about liberal political thought among Afrikaners during the period 1775-1975. Their interpretations of the influence of liberalism on Afrikaner political thought differ from one another in some respects. Scholtz acknowledges the influence of the political ideas of the Enlightenment on the Cape Patriot movement of the late eighteenth century, but does not regard these ideas as a form of liberalism. He views liberalism as a political ideology alien to the Afrikaners, that was introduced to South Africa in the early 1800s by British officials and missionaries. Since the middle of the nineteenth century the main exponents of liberal political thought in South Africa were British colonists and their descendants. There were always a few Afrikaners with liberal political ideas, but they were strongly influenced by British culture or by English-speaking South Africans. Giliomee, however, is of the opinion that there were already Afrikaners with liberal ideas at the beginning of the nineteenth century. It appears from his study that, although none of the major Afrikaner political leaders from the eighteenth century until the present can be described as a liberal, in the course of two centuries a number of politicians and intellectuals with an Afrikaans background played an important role in various liberal political movements and had a significant influence on the development of Afrikaner political thought. Although Scholtz and Giliomee have both made an important contribution to research on Afrikaner liberal political thought, it is clear that more research should lead to a better understanding of this phenomenon.Keywords: South African Historiography; Afrikaner Political Thought; GD Scholtz; H Giliomee; Liberalism; Democracy; Cape Patriot Movement; Cape Franchise; Segregation; Apartheid Disciplines: Political History; Intellectual History; Political Philosophy


Author(s):  
Carolyn Holbrook

This chapter describes the principal ideas of nationhood that have operated during the European history of Australia. It describes how late Enlightenment beliefs in liberty and progress and their expression in revolutionary France and North America informed campaigns for democratic rights in Australia. While some activists were influenced by republican sentiment, most sought to claim what they believed to be their British birthright. The independent nationalism of the late nineteenth century, with its secular and socialist inflections, dissipated as geopolitical uncertainty drove Australians more deeply into the arms of the British Empire. Federation was driven by a progressive and idealistic nationalism, less radical than the late-nineteenth century version, which was soon snuffed out by the geopolitical ructions that resulted in the First World War. Contemporary Australians are more likely to source their nationalist sentiment from the Anzac mythology than from the literal moment at which the nation was created, leaving Australian ideas of nationhood curiously detached from the civic apparatus of the nation state.


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