Conclusion

2021 ◽  
pp. 143-150
Author(s):  
Emily Cury

This chapter reviews the main sources of contention over advocacy and the rights of representation in the Muslim American community. By relying on existing survey data, the chapter gauges the degree to which Muslim advocacy organizations reflect and represent the interests of their constituents on a variety of policy issues. It also discusses how US Muslim organizations are constrained by two rationales: the logic of membership or the need to respond to their constituents' preferences and the logic of influence or the need to focus on issues that appeal to the policy establishment. The chapter highlights the advocacy on questions of Islamophobia and anti-Muslim discrimination that are highly reflective of the interests and preferences of American Muslims. It explains how national-level advocacy organizations are less representative of the preferences of American Muslims when it comes to foreign policy.

2021 ◽  
pp. 1-15
Author(s):  
Emily Cury

This chapter explains how organizations and institutions that represent the interests of Muslims in the United States remain visible, engaged, and assertive despite the great odds they face. It discusses what motivates Muslim advocacy organizations to participate in the policy process when their ability to exert an influence in the current political climate seems limited. It also addresses why Muslims continue to mobilize around contentious foreign policy issues, such as the Palestinian—Israeli conflict, when it seems to be against their interests to do so. The chapter mentions Namira Islam's critique, which placed great emphasis on the need for cross-sectional coalition building, particularly with other communities of color. It describes the leadership and upper echelons of the national-level organizations as open and self-reflective with regard to criticism and their record of embracing Black, working-class, and inner-city Muslims.


2021 ◽  
pp. 52-71
Author(s):  
Emily Cury

This chapter examines counterterrorism policy as one of the major sites through which American Muslims are framed as an out-group against which American identity can be measured and defined. It cites the reading of the War on Terror that presents hate crimes, bias incidents, and discriminatory state policy as a productive discourse through which certain groups are constituted as outside the boundaries of the national community. It looks at the rise of Muslim American advocacy organizations and the domestic and foreign policy issues at the core of their lobbying efforts. The chapter covers surveillance and profiling, protection of religious freedom, Islamophobia, countering violent extremism, the Palestinian—Israeli conflict, the Arab Spring, and human rights in the Muslim-majority world. It also clarifies how US Muslim organizations navigate their entry into the policy process while negotiating their community's place in the American mosaic.


Asian Survey ◽  
1969 ◽  
Vol 9 (8) ◽  
pp. 625-639
Author(s):  
Douglas H. Mendel, Jr.
Keyword(s):  

Author(s):  
Jennifer Pan ◽  
Zijie Shao ◽  
Yiqing Xu

Abstract Research shows that government-controlled media is an effective tool for authoritarian regimes to shape public opinion. Does government-controlled media remain effective when it is required to support changes in positions that autocrats take on issues? Existing theories do not provide a clear answer to this question, but we often observe authoritarian governments using government media to frame policies in new ways when significant changes in policy positions are required. By conducting an experiment that exposes respondents to government-controlled media—in the form of TV news segments—on issues where the regime substantially changed its policy positions, we find that by framing the same issue differently, government-controlled media moves respondents to adopt policy positions closer to the ones espoused by the regime regardless of individual predisposition. This result holds for domestic and foreign policy issues, for direct and composite measures of attitudes, and persists up to 48 hours after exposure.


1999 ◽  
Vol 25 (5) ◽  
pp. 271-299 ◽  
Author(s):  
BRUCE CUMINGS

At the inception of the twenty-first century—not to mention the next millennium—books on ‘the American Century’ proliferate monthly, if not daily. We now have The American Century Dictionary, The American Century Thesaurus, and even The American Century Cookbook; perhaps the American Century baseball cap or cologne is not far behind. With one or two exceptions, the authors celebrate the unipolar pre-eminence and comprehensive economic advantage that the United States now enjoys. Surveys of public opinion show that most people agree: the American wave appears to be surging just as the year 2000 beckons. Unemployment and inflation are both at twenty-year lows, sending economists (who say you can't get lows for both at the same time) back to the drawing board. The stock market roars past the magic 10,000 mark, and the monster federal budget deficit of a decade ago miraculously metamorphoses into a surplus that may soon reach upwards of $1 trillion. Meanwhile President William Jefferson Clinton, not long after a humiliating impeachment, is rated in 1999 as the best of all postwar presidents in conducting foreign policy (a dizzying ascent from eighth place in 1994), according to a nationwide poll by the Chicago Council on Foreign Relations. This surprising result might also, of course, bespeak inattention: when asked to name the two or three most important foreign policy issues facing the US, fully 21 per cent of the public couldn't think of one (they answered ‘don't know’), and a mere seven per cent thought foreign policy issues were important to the nation. But who cares, when all is for the best in the best of all possible worlds?


1977 ◽  
Vol 71 ◽  
pp. 528-554 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kenneth Lieberthal

Mao Tse-tung died on 9 September 1976. On 6 October, with the arrest of four leading members of the Politburo, Hua Kuo-feng became Mao Tse-tung's successor. Since then the Chinese media have vilified the “gang of four” as “splittists” who had worked together for years to divide the Party and promote their own personal fortunes. According to the victors, policy issues had little to do with the activities of this nefarious “gang.” Rather, lust for personal power and desire for wealth alone inspired them to wage partisan warfare within the ranks of the Chinese Communist Party.


1990 ◽  
Vol 19 (1) ◽  
pp. 5-20
Author(s):  
Larry W. Bowman

Relationships between U.S. government officials and academic specialists working on national security and foreign policy issues with respect to Africa are many and complex. They can be as informal as a phone call or passing conversation or as formalized as a consulting arrangement or research contract. Many contacts exist and there is no doubt that many in both government and the academy value these ties. There have been, however, ongoing controversies about what settings and what topics are appropriate to the government/academic interchange. National security and foreign policy-making in the U.S. is an extremely diffuse process.


2018 ◽  
Vol 94 (4) ◽  
pp. 14-21
Author(s):  
Elizabeth Bishop ◽  
Myles Bittner
Keyword(s):  

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