In Search of Common Happiness

2021 ◽  
pp. 70-103
Author(s):  
Brad A. Jones

This chapter investigates how, in the absence of a shared discourse of Loyalism, Britons in the Atlantic were confronted with a crisis of identity in the late 1760s and early 1770s. Britons were reared in a shared political culture that regularly framed political controversies as a struggle between popish tyranny and Protestant liberty. This was certainly true during celebrations of the repeal of the unpopular Stamp Act, which many perceived as detrimental to the political and economic well-being of their empire. But by 1773, the inhabitants of New York City, Glasgow, Kingston, and Halifax had begun to pursue different and often competing paths in the ongoing crisis, which demonstrated the tenuous nature of popular British loyalty in the latter half of the eighteenth century. In the absence of a common shared enemy, these same subjects reverted to far more local and conflicting understandings of Britishness, which were defined most crucially by events that directly concerned their communities.

Author(s):  
Susan Goodier ◽  
Karen Pastorello

This chapter demonstrates how rural women in upstate villages and towns—often considered to be apolitical—actually embraced the suffrage spirit, causing a number of pro-suffrage hotbeds to emerge outside of New York City. Many suffrage leaders had deep roots in the towns, villages, and farms of the state. Taking advantage of opportunities to participate in the political culture shaped during the transition from an agrarian to a market economy, contingents of rural women helped lay the foundation for a broad-based state suffrage movement. With the broader base of rural women supporting the movement, rural activists could now appeal to husbands and fathers in these areas to garner electoral support. By 1910, leaders shifted campaign tactics from attempting to convince legislators to support suffrage to persuading the (male) electorate to secure a state referendum for women.


1997 ◽  
Vol 27 (109) ◽  
pp. 649-680
Author(s):  
Lutz Hieber

AIDS Coalition To Unleash Power (ACT UP) was the most significant and forceful political movement in USA throughout the last decade. Its achievements are closely linked to the cultural conditions of its place of origin: the artistic Avantgarde in New York City. ACT UP's concepts and starting points will be introduced. The discussion of this movement will also be used to throw a critical light on the political culture ofthe FRG.


2004 ◽  
Vol 3 (4) ◽  
pp. 369-406 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nancy J. Rosenbloom

The struggle over censorship stood at the core of the relationship between the political culture of progressivism and early moving pictures. Called by contemporaries and historians alike a democratic art, the moving pictures invited audiences to participate in the new mass culture of the early twentieth-century. As some early film makers began to use the medium to tell stories, those sitting in small theaters in towns and cities across America saw before them a make-believe world that was nonetheless plausible commentary on the past, the present, and the future. What remained unresolved was how those who championed political reforms, ostensibly in the language of progressive and democratic politics, might harness the power of the medium in redefining American political and social life. How much power the moving pictures and its mass audience might assume energized men and women, particularly progressives in New York City, who sought a more democratic culture, politics, and social life. How much power the moving pictures and its mass audience might assume energized men and women, particularly progressives in New York City, who sought a more democratic culture, politics, and social life. They regarded the political potential of the moving pictures as essential to the empowerment of the masses in an age when social boundaries were in flux. At the same time, they tried and ultimately failed to extend to moving pictures the protection of the First Amendment. They did this because they believed in the political and artistic possibilities of the medium for a democratic culture. In creating a plan to elevate the moving pictures and their places of exhibition, they became locked in a confrontation with other reformers who feared the awesome power of the screen to hasten modernity and all that it implied.


Jazz in China ◽  
2018 ◽  
pp. 187-209
Author(s):  
Eugene Marlow

This chapter focuses on jazz musicians in Shanghai. Once called the “Paris of the East,” today Shanghai represents the economic and entrepreneurial center of China; Beijing is the political heart of China. Both cities have their own vibe: Beijing—spread out like Los Angeles, is clogged by an increasing number of cars and life-threatening smog; Shanghai—compact like Manhattan, New York City, is cosmopolitan and eclectic. Both cities boast their own jazz scene. Beijing is full of expats and the jazz bands tend to be more uniformly Asian. Shanghai, on the other hand, reflects a much greater international mix of musicians.


Author(s):  
Adam I. P. Smith

This chapter uses the Astor Place theatre riot of 1849 to illuminate the tensions within American political culture over majoritarianism, political legitimacy and citizenship. It argues that the lethal confrontation between the militia and the mob was a crisis moment that formed the imagined enemies and the alliances that frame political choices. Those who supported the New York City mayor’s decision to call in the militia believed that violence was sometimes necessary to ensure that democracy was compatible with order. Their emphasis on the need for restraints on unfettered freedom provided the intellectual underpinning of the case against the Slave Power and secession.


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