Barricades on Broadway

Author(s):  
Adam I. P. Smith

This chapter uses the Astor Place theatre riot of 1849 to illuminate the tensions within American political culture over majoritarianism, political legitimacy and citizenship. It argues that the lethal confrontation between the militia and the mob was a crisis moment that formed the imagined enemies and the alliances that frame political choices. Those who supported the New York City mayor’s decision to call in the militia believed that violence was sometimes necessary to ensure that democracy was compatible with order. Their emphasis on the need for restraints on unfettered freedom provided the intellectual underpinning of the case against the Slave Power and secession.

Author(s):  
Brian Tochterman

This chapter considers how films produced in New York City played to an emergent anti-urban political culture. With crime and disorder as the feature antagonist in the New York film cycle of the late 1960s and the 1970s, the vigilante became a vital counterpoint to the perceived incompetence of municipal police departments. Escaping the dying city also served as a powerful motif in the period’s films. The motion picture industry brings the homegrown narrative of New York to a national audience.


Author(s):  
Susan Goodier ◽  
Karen Pastorello

This chapter demonstrates how rural women in upstate villages and towns—often considered to be apolitical—actually embraced the suffrage spirit, causing a number of pro-suffrage hotbeds to emerge outside of New York City. Many suffrage leaders had deep roots in the towns, villages, and farms of the state. Taking advantage of opportunities to participate in the political culture shaped during the transition from an agrarian to a market economy, contingents of rural women helped lay the foundation for a broad-based state suffrage movement. With the broader base of rural women supporting the movement, rural activists could now appeal to husbands and fathers in these areas to garner electoral support. By 1910, leaders shifted campaign tactics from attempting to convince legislators to support suffrage to persuading the (male) electorate to secure a state referendum for women.


2021 ◽  
pp. 70-103
Author(s):  
Brad A. Jones

This chapter investigates how, in the absence of a shared discourse of Loyalism, Britons in the Atlantic were confronted with a crisis of identity in the late 1760s and early 1770s. Britons were reared in a shared political culture that regularly framed political controversies as a struggle between popish tyranny and Protestant liberty. This was certainly true during celebrations of the repeal of the unpopular Stamp Act, which many perceived as detrimental to the political and economic well-being of their empire. But by 1773, the inhabitants of New York City, Glasgow, Kingston, and Halifax had begun to pursue different and often competing paths in the ongoing crisis, which demonstrated the tenuous nature of popular British loyalty in the latter half of the eighteenth century. In the absence of a common shared enemy, these same subjects reverted to far more local and conflicting understandings of Britishness, which were defined most crucially by events that directly concerned their communities.


1997 ◽  
Vol 27 (109) ◽  
pp. 649-680
Author(s):  
Lutz Hieber

AIDS Coalition To Unleash Power (ACT UP) was the most significant and forceful political movement in USA throughout the last decade. Its achievements are closely linked to the cultural conditions of its place of origin: the artistic Avantgarde in New York City. ACT UP's concepts and starting points will be introduced. The discussion of this movement will also be used to throw a critical light on the political culture ofthe FRG.


1994 ◽  
Vol 26 (6) ◽  
pp. 937-955 ◽  
Author(s):  
H Clark

In this paper the ways in which the legitimacy gained through appropriation of space, accomplished by drawing on skills learned by living at or beyond the margins of mainstream economic and political production, is being extended to redefine political involvement and change are examined. The example of neighborhood networks of residents living in limited-equity cooperatives in New York City will be examined as a new form of political practice based on the experiences of gender, race, class, and shared lifeworlds. The paper ultimately is an attempt to identify what concept of citizenship is at work for those who have survived long-term multi-leveled exclusion from the economic and political spheres and yet have created communities.


2004 ◽  
Vol 3 (4) ◽  
pp. 369-406 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nancy J. Rosenbloom

The struggle over censorship stood at the core of the relationship between the political culture of progressivism and early moving pictures. Called by contemporaries and historians alike a democratic art, the moving pictures invited audiences to participate in the new mass culture of the early twentieth-century. As some early film makers began to use the medium to tell stories, those sitting in small theaters in towns and cities across America saw before them a make-believe world that was nonetheless plausible commentary on the past, the present, and the future. What remained unresolved was how those who championed political reforms, ostensibly in the language of progressive and democratic politics, might harness the power of the medium in redefining American political and social life. How much power the moving pictures and its mass audience might assume energized men and women, particularly progressives in New York City, who sought a more democratic culture, politics, and social life. How much power the moving pictures and its mass audience might assume energized men and women, particularly progressives in New York City, who sought a more democratic culture, politics, and social life. They regarded the political potential of the moving pictures as essential to the empowerment of the masses in an age when social boundaries were in flux. At the same time, they tried and ultimately failed to extend to moving pictures the protection of the First Amendment. They did this because they believed in the political and artistic possibilities of the medium for a democratic culture. In creating a plan to elevate the moving pictures and their places of exhibition, they became locked in a confrontation with other reformers who feared the awesome power of the screen to hasten modernity and all that it implied.


1942 ◽  
Vol 74 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 155-162
Author(s):  
H. Kurdian

In 1941 while in New York City I was fortunate enough to purchase an Armenian MS. which I believe will be of interest to students of Eastern Christian iconography.


1999 ◽  
Vol 27 (2) ◽  
pp. 202-203
Author(s):  
Robert Chatham

The Court of Appeals of New York held, in Council of the City of New York u. Giuliani, slip op. 02634, 1999 WL 179257 (N.Y. Mar. 30, 1999), that New York City may not privatize a public city hospital without state statutory authorization. The court found invalid a sublease of a municipal hospital operated by a public benefit corporation to a private, for-profit entity. The court reasoned that the controlling statute prescribed the operation of a municipal hospital as a government function that must be fulfilled by the public benefit corporation as long as it exists, and nothing short of legislative action could put an end to the corporation's existence.In 1969, the New York State legislature enacted the Health and Hospitals Corporation Act (HHCA), establishing the New York City Health and Hospitals Corporation (HHC) as an attempt to improve the New York City public health system. Thirty years later, on a renewed perception that the public health system was once again lacking, the city administration approved a sublease of Coney Island Hospital from HHC to PHS New York, Inc. (PHS), a private, for-profit entity.


Author(s):  
Catherine J. Crowley ◽  
Kristin Guest ◽  
Kenay Sudler

What does it mean to have true cultural competence as an speech-language pathologist (SLP)? In some areas of practice it may be enough to develop a perspective that values the expectations and identity of our clients and see them as partners in the therapeutic process. But when clinicians are asked to distinguish a language difference from a language disorder, cultural sensitivity is not enough. Rather, in these cases, cultural competence requires knowledge and skills in gathering data about a student's cultural and linguistic background and analyzing the student's language samples from that perspective. This article describes one American Speech-Language-Hearing Association (ASHA)-accredited graduate program in speech-language pathology and its approach to putting students on the path to becoming culturally competent SLPs, including challenges faced along the way. At Teachers College, Columbia University (TC) the program infuses knowledge of bilingualism and multiculturalism throughout the curriculum and offers bilingual students the opportunity to receive New York State certification as bilingual clinicians. Graduate students must demonstrate a deep understanding of the grammar of Standard American English and other varieties of English particularly those spoken in and around New York City. Two recent graduates of this graduate program contribute their perspectives on continuing to develop cultural competence while working with diverse students in New York City public schools.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document