scholarly journals The Danish Cartoons, Charlie Hebdo and the culture wars: satiric limits in comparative national and transnational perspectives

2021 ◽  
Vol 9 (3) ◽  
pp. 92-112
Author(s):  
Mark John Rolfe
Keyword(s):  
Free Speech ◽  
National Level ◽  
Culture Wars ◽  
Culture War ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Local Contexts ◽  
Islamic Terrorism ◽  
Cultural Legacies ◽  
Considerable Body ◽  
Charlie Hebdo

A considerable body of academic literature has lauded political satirists as rebellious defenders of democracy and free speech against an establishment. Although satire is not always rebellious, this reputation of satirists and of satire may itself be the object of partisan capture. In this article, it is the object of capture by right-wing populists. In that respect, satire and the meta-discourse about satire can be used like any political rhetoric in gathering like-minded allies, claiming standards, and fighting opponents. With the Danish cartoons crisis of 2005-2006 and the Charlie Hebdo massacre of 2015, proponents of culture wars rhetoric added satire to their list of Western cultural legacies that needed defence against Islamic terrorism as well as left authoritarian elites who suppressed free speech through political correctness. They constructed simplistic global political dichotomies about satire, free speech, and civilisation and lifted events out of local contexts in a process of global framing. The culture war rhetoric was absolutist in support of free speech and satire on the international level. But the national level reveals the hortatory and partisan side to this rhetoric and the complexities that belie the absolutist stand. Nations are the arenas where struggles over free speech and political humour are played out.

Suffrage Reform as Coup d’État

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
James Retallack
Keyword(s):  
Middle Class ◽  
National Level ◽  
Social Democracy ◽  
Voting Rights ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Coup D'etat ◽  
Social Democratic ◽  
Class Voting

In the period 1894 to 1902 Saxons demonstrated that the expansion of voting rights could be slowed and actually reversed. This chapter shows how right-wing politicians, statesmen, municipal councilors, and others used a perceived crisis following political assassinations in mid-1894 to refocus middle-class fears on the “threat” of socialism. At the national level, calls for a coup d’état against the Reichstag dovetailed with less dramatic calls to action against Social Democracy. When these appeals yielded meager results, Saxons responded by passing a reform of their Landtag’s suffrage in 1896: it replaced a relatively equitable system with unequal three-class voting. Socialists disappeared from the Landtag, and the Reichstag elections of 1898 were unexciting. In the period 1898–1902 Saxon Conservatism reached the zenith of its power. But Social Democratic outrage over “suffrage robbery” had already planted the seeds of a political reversal.

Extreme Political Beliefs Predict Dogmatic Intolerance

2016 ◽  
Vol 8 (3) ◽  
pp. 292-300 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jan-Willem van Prooijen ◽  
André P. M. Krouwel
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Free Speech ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Political ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Political Beliefs ◽  
Political Left ◽  
Left And Right ◽  
Political Right

Dogmatic intolerance—defined as a tendency to reject, and consider as inferior, any ideological belief that differs from one’s own—is often assumed to be more prominent at the political right than at the political left. In the present study, we make two novel contributions to this perspective. First, we show that dogmatic intolerance is stronger among left- and right-wing extremists than moderates in both the European Union (Study 1) as well as the United States (Study 2). Second, in Study 3, participants were randomly assigned to describe a strong or a weak political belief that they hold. Results revealed that compared to weak beliefs, strong beliefs elicited stronger dogmatic intolerance, which in turn was associated with willingness to protest, denial of free speech, and support for antisocial behavior. We conclude that independent of content, extreme political beliefs predict dogmatic intolerance.

Civil and Political Rights

2020 ◽  
pp. 125-166
Author(s):  
Adam S. Chilton ◽  
Mila Versteeg
Keyword(s):  
Statistical Analysis ◽  
Free Speech ◽  
Political Rights ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Freedom Of Movement ◽  
Public Media ◽  
Civil And Political Rights ◽  
Law And Justice ◽  
Global Data

This chapter analyzes three civil and political rights that are practiced on an individual basis: (1) free speech, (2) the prohibition of torture, and (3) the freedom of movement. The chapter first describes the doctrinal aspects of these rights, as well as how these relate to organizations’ ability to secure their enforcement. It then presents results from a global statistical analysis, which reveal that constitutionalizing these rights is not associated with better rights practices. In addition to presenting global data, this chapter present the results from a case study on free speech in Poland, which documents how the newly elected right-wing Law and Justice Party was able to take control of the country’s public media, even though both free speech and the independence of public media were guaranteed in the constitution.

Framing Catholicism: Jack Chick's Anti-Catholic Cartoons and the Flexible Boundaries of the Culture Wars

2008 ◽  
Vol 18 (1) ◽  
pp. 95-112 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael Ian Borer ◽  
Adam Murphree
Keyword(s):  
Catholic Church ◽  
Social Problems ◽  
Culture Wars ◽  
Culture War ◽  
Religious Conflicts ◽  
Hidden Agenda ◽  
Boundary Making ◽  
Protestant Christianity ◽  
Flexible Boundaries ◽  
Symbolic Boundary

AbstractIn order to understand the practice of “culture wars work,” we examined the claims of a particularly vocal evangelist, Jack T. Chick. Chick is a writer and cartoonist known both positively and negatively for his “Chick tracts.” Chick tracts are small twenty-four-page black-andwhite comic books that attempt to convert the reader to Chick's particular brand of “Bible-believing” Protestant Christianity. We focused on Chick's claim about Catholicism in order to show how theological and ideological boundaries can be constructed between presumably allied religious populations. Chick presents his anti-Catholicism using three main frames: (1) the associative frame—Catholicism is not only one of many social problems but is also cause of a number of them, (2) the subversive frame—the Catholic church is a political villain, and (3) the hidden agenda frame—Catholicism has not remained true to the authoritative teachings of Christianity and has embraced a secretly progressive worldview. Investigating a culture war claims maker like Chick, who purposely disrupts what presumably would be an orthodox or conservative alliance, reveals the process of symbolic boundary making within cultural/ moral/religious conflicts.

Charlie Hebdo, Free Speech and Counter-Speech

2015 ◽  
Vol 20 (3) ◽  
pp. 219-226 ◽  
Author(s):  
Simon Dawes
Keyword(s):  
Free Speech ◽  
Media Framing ◽  
Rapid Response ◽  
The Right ◽  
Charlie Hebdo

This brief rapid response article considers the French media framing of the Charlie Hebdo attack in terms of ‘Republican values’ such as free speech, and critiques the post-political and moralistic reduction of debate to ‘right and wrong’ arguments, as well as the fetishisation of the right to offend and the depoliticisation of the right to be offended.

scholarly journals “Rigoberta's Listener”: The Significance of Sound in Testimonio

PMLA ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 135 (2) ◽  
pp. 393-400
Author(s):  
Tom McEnaney
Keyword(s):  
The United States ◽  
Culture War ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Stanford University ◽  
Think Tank ◽  
Rigoberta Menchu ◽  
Hoover Institution ◽  
Labor Practices ◽  
The Government ◽  
Elisabeth Burgos Debray

“[LOS INDIOS SON] LOS VENCIDOS POR LA CONQUISTA ESPAÑOLA, LOS QUE SE EXPRESAN HOY EN LA VOZ DE RIGOBERTA-MENCHÚ” (“THE voice of Rigoberta Menchú allows the defeated to speak”; Burgos-Debray, Prólogo 8; Introduction xi). This statement introduces the testimonio recorded on cassette tapes and then edited into print by Elisabeth Burgos-Debray: Me llamo Rigoberta Menchú y asi me nació la conciencia (My Name is Rigoberta Menchú and This Is How My Consciousness Was Born), published in English as I, Rigoberta Menchú: An Indian Woman in Guatemala. In order to hear that voice from January 1982, and to consider the important role of aurality in the text's production and later uptakes, one now has to visit the Hoover Institution, on the campus of Stanford University. Given that Menchú's testimonio, a genre defined by the work of personal witnessing on behalf of a collective struggling against injustice, tells the story of her community's socialist fight against exploitative labor practices and government-sponsored genocide, it might seem odd that her voice has been preserved in the archives of a right-wing think tank in the United States, some of whose fellows provided support for the government Menchú spoke against. However, the Hoover Institution has long dedicated itself to an archival counterrevolutionary practice, collecting the voices, newspapers, personal correspondence, and other documents associated with the ideological enemies of the institution's current and former fellows. Moreover, the location of Menchú's tapes makes some historical sense. Many today will recall that Stanford University, the Hoover Institution, and Menchú were at the center of what has since been called the Rigoberta Menchú controversy (Arias), in which the text galvanized culture war debates when progressive faculty members included I, Rigoberta Menchú on syllabi to diversify the curriculum. Right-wing pundits railed against the inclusion as an example of “affirmative action for books” (Dinesh D'Souza qtd. in Strauss) and denounced Menchú's testimonio after the Stanford PhD and anthropologist David Stoll revealed that it included several inaccurate statements.

scholarly journals REVIEW: Charlie Hebdo and the free speech conflict

2018 ◽  
Vol 24 (1) ◽  
pp. 242-245
Author(s):  
David Robie
Keyword(s):  
Homeland Security ◽  
Free Speech ◽  
Gulf War ◽  
Political Prisoners ◽  
Algerian War ◽  
War Of Independence ◽  
Algerian War Of Independence ◽  
The Us ◽  
Jewish School ◽  
Charlie Hebdo

After Charlie Hebdo: Terror, Racism and Free Speech, edited by Gavan Titley, Des Freedman, Gholam Khiabany and Aurélien Mondon. London: Zed Books. 2017. 313 pages. ISBN 9781783609383 IN OCTOBER 2016, I returned to that stunning and iconic French eighth monastery Mont St Michel, once also a post-Revolution jail for political prisoners, and was struck by the sight of a garrison of soldiers – part of the Vigipirate programme. Vigipirate has parallels with the US Homeland Security Advisor system and has now been in place in various forms for almost 26 years, since Bush’s Gulf War in 1991. Based on laws adopted in 1959 during the Algerian War of Independence, it was first suspended for a while after the Gulf War and then introduced again in 1995 after a car bomb blew up outside a Jewish school in Lyon. Vigipirate has since then gone through various phases and updates with the 1995 Paris Metro bombing, 2004 Madrid terror train attack and the 2005 London underground bombing. Official documents now designate the programme as ‘permanent’.

scholarly journals ¿Compartir contenidos en línea o no? Un análisis del artículo 17 de la Directiva sobre ropiedad intelectual en el mercado único digital = To upload or not – an analysis of art. 17 of the Directive on copyright in the digital single market

2020 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 962
Author(s):  
Gerald Spindler
Keyword(s):  
Free Speech ◽  
National Level ◽  
Single Market ◽  
Fundamental Rights ◽  
Digital Contents ◽  
El Sistema ◽  
Safe Harbours

Resumen: El “filtro de carga” para las plataformas de intercambio en línea ha sido uno de los temas más candentes en relación con la nueva Directiva 2019/790 sobre derechos de autor y derechos afines en el Mercado Único Digital (DCMUD). La batalla continúa en el ámbito nacional a la hora de afrontar la correcta y equilibrada transposición del art. 17 DCMUD, en particular en lo que respecta a garantizar la libertad de expresión. Este ensayo explora el sistema de responsabilidad del citado art. 17 y analiza su potencial contradicción con los derechos fundamentales de la Unión Europea, tal y como han sido ponderados por el TJUE en el asunto SABAM Netlog y otros recientes, en particular, con la pro­hibición de deberes generales de control y supervisión. Aunque sería posible argumentar que el art. 17 DCMUD podría superar ese examen de contraste, el precepto articula varias opciones de transposición que podrían emplearse para garantizar los derechos de los usuarios y la libertad de expresión.Palabras clave: propiedad intelectual, derechos de autor, plataformas de intermediación, puertos seguros, filtros de carga, contenidos digitales, contenidos generados por los usuarios, derechos funda­mentales, libertad de expresión, liability, e-commerce.Abstract: The “upload-filter” for online sharing platforms have been one of the hot issues regar­ding the new DSM-directive on copyright. The battle continues at the national level concerning the correct and balanced implementation of Art. 17 DSM-D, in particular regarding the guarantee of free­dom of speech. The article explores the liability system of Art. 17 DSM-D and analyzes its potential contradiction to fundamental EU rights which has been laid down by the CJEU in the SABAM Netlog case, in particular the prohibition of general monitoring duties. Even though one might argue that Art. 17 DSM-D could pass that test the article develops several implementation options in order to safeguard user rights and freedom of speech.Keywords: copyright, intermediary platforms, safe harbours, upload filters, digital contents, user generated contents, fundamental rights, right of free speech, responsabilidad, comercio electrónico.

Far-right party is reshuffling Dutch populism

2019 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
The Netherlands ◽  
National Level ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Far Right ◽  
Content Type ◽  
European Elections ◽  
Right Wing Populism ◽  
The Government ◽  
Islamic Party

Subject Dutch right-wing populism. Significance The Netherlands' newest far-right party, Forum for Democracy (FvD), won the provincial elections on March 20, receiving almost 15% of the vote. The party’s support is expected to grow, and it joins the anti-Islamic Party for Freedom (PVV) as the Netherlands' second major far-right party. Impacts Support for far-right parties will increase pressure on the government to implement populist ideas, especially in cultural affairs. Centrist parties in the European Conservative and Reformist group may try to block the FvD’s admission after the European elections. Policymaking at the national level will become increasingly difficult.

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