Conscription, rural populations and the dynamics of war and revolution in Ireland (1914–18)

Drawing on secret witness reports from Intelligence Officers of the Royal Irish Constabulary, and diplomatic correspondence from France’s representatives to Dublin and London, this article seeks to complement recent historiography and qualify our understanding of the period 1914–18 by engaging fully with the issue of compulsory military service from the outbreak of the conflict. It contemplates how fears of conscription contributed to the radicalisation of rural communities and demonstrates that opposition to conscription formed a solid political foundation for Sinn Féin. Britain’s determination to implement conscription to Ireland frightened civilian populations, gave rise to nationwide discontent, and attracted towards Sinn Féin populations likely to be drafted into the British Army. That study seeks to be a re-examination of the dynamics between the Irish revolution and the conscription scares and maintains that fears of compulsory service in Ireland significantly contributed to the victory of Sinn Féin candidates during the four electoral contests in 1917.

The 30-th Anniversary of Visegrad Group: Achievements and Prospects

The author analyzes the fundamental points which contributed to the strength of the political foundation of the Visegrad Group. Among the most significant factors, the author identifies a critical attitude towards reality, the ability to search for intra-regional/international compromises, and the lack of bureaucracy. In general, this can be described as a clear understanding of V4 position and tasks in Europe. The group's objectives in understanding their possibilities have evolved over three decades and finally have evolved from a "return to Europe" to the possibility of transferring its experience and providing assistance to the neighboring States of Eastern Europe and the Western Balkans. Without denying the contradictions that exist in the group, there are no critical prerequisites for the realization of long-standing prophecies about the imminent and unavoidable breakup of the group. Contradictions and a critical approach, as well as overcoming these circumstances, often serve as the driving force of the group. So far, despite criticism of some retired politicians, the group looks united and interested in its further common development.

Evolving Rasūlid Narratives of Opposition to Sultan al-Manṣūr Nūr al-Dīn ʿUmar (d. 647/1250) in Yemen

The Rasūlid chronicles of the reign of al-Manṣūr Nūr al-Dīn ʿUmar b. ʿAlī b. Rasūl depict its first ruler as steadily consolidating the political foundation of the sultanate. Most of these reports clearly portray the dominance of the sultan in Yemen during this period. But a few reveal the limitations of his power in a more complex political landscape, such as an aborted military campaign against a local tribe, an insurrection by a Zaydi sharīf, and the sultan’s assassination by his own military. These specific narratives of opposition to the sultan, however, progressively change over the course of their production from the late 13th century until the first half of the 15th century, as the strength of the sultanate initially peaks and then slowly declines. As a result, the ambiguity of al-Manṣūr ʿUmar’s authority in these narratives is largely reduced, and the historical memory of the sovereignty of the emergent Rasūlid sultanate solidifies in increasingly ideological ways.

Imposing a Mixed Tribunal

This chapter discusses the troubled effort to create, design, and manage a hybrid judicial process in Lebanon after the assassination of former Prime Minister Rafiq Hariri. It shows how that country’s profound domestic divisions rendered the government unable to issue a clear delegation of sovereign authority. The UN Security Council therefore imposed a hybrid tribunal on Lebanon, and its legitimacy has been challenged from the start. Without strong domestic cooperation, the tribunal has been highly constrained, unable to apprehend suspects or conduct extensive outreach in the country. The Special Tribunal for Lebanon thus epitomizes the dangers of a fragile political foundation for shared sovereignty.

Compromising on Hybrid Justice

This chapter focuses on the Khmer Rouge tribunal, and the danger of building a mixed court on a fragile political foundation. It shows how distrust and feuds between the United Nations and its Cambodian partners have contributed to a problematic and unwieldy design for the tribunal. The court has been able to deliver credible justice for cases in which UN and Cambodia government interests have aligned. However, its performance and perceived legitimacy have suffered from the divergent preferences of the partners, and the tribunal has had limited impact on Cambodia’s formidable rule-of-law challenges.

Urgensi Landasan Yuridis-Politis dalam Kebijakan Pendidikan di Indonesia

The writing of this article aims to find out the juridical and political foundations in education, as the basis of the implementation and legitimacy of the implementation of the education policy itself. The juridical-political foundation becomes a strong legal basis in guiding the implementation of education in accordance with the mandate of the law to educate the life of the nation. The writing of this article uses a literature study approach which examines theories that are relevant to the juridical and political foundation in education and policy implementation at the level of the central government, regional government, to the education unit level. The writing of this article can be a reference for the implementation of learning in educational institutions related to educational policies that are based on juridical and political foundations.

Plato’s Political Writings: a Utopia?

Thomas More’s 1516 Utopia describes a ‘fictitious’ republic on an imaginary island, and draws heavily on ancient political ideas. This paper explores the difficulties of applying the term ‘utopia’ to Plato’s political thinking, given that More’s term is anachronistically applied to ancient texts. The projects of the Republic and Laws should not be interpreted as ‘utopian’, but as blueprints for a foundation such as a new city, rather than as imagined ideal cities after More’s model. Support for Plato’s practical involvement in matters of political foundation is drawn from the Seventh Letter. The Republic and the Laws are discussed not as utopias, but political manifestos. The political context in which Plato lived, and his objectives, gives his political writings a wholly different dimension. The goal of the Republic and the Laws is not to describe unrealizable constitutions, but to exchange the Athenian constitution of Plato’s time for another.