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Published By Institute For African Studies Of The Russian Academy Of Science

2412-5717

Author(s):  
Sergey Volkov ◽  

The author analyzes the system of pre-university education in Egypt, which the Constitution of 2014 undertakes to raise to the «international level». To this end, the government has been reforming it since 2017, which is partly financed by a loan from the World Bank. The main directions of the reform include improving preschool education, improving the qualifications of teachers, changing the system of assessing students’ knowledge and strengthening the technical base of schools and colleges. Despite the first successes of pre-university education reform, it is still expanding mainly extensively, without significantly improving the quality of education of Egyptian students. The reason for this lies in the significant lack of public investment, which the government is trying to compensate by attracting private business, both national and international, to this area. However, this leads to increased inequality in access to education. In addition, even taking into account private investments, the amount of funding for pre-university education is still far from the 4% of GDP provided for by the Constitution. The main problems of pre-university education continue to be the unsatisfactory average level of qualification of Egyptian teachers, mainly due to their low wages, a large number of pupils in classes, as well as the weak material and technical base of schools and colleges. There are also significant differences in the territorial development of pre-university education in Egypt, as well as between its various stages and directions. Egyptian business continues to experience a shortage of qualified graduates of the secondary vocational education system, despite certain successes achieved in its development in recent years.


Author(s):  
Sergey Kostelyanets ◽  
◽  
Obidozie Afamefuna Andrew Okeke

All heads of state of independent Nigeria have left their mark on the formation of national foreign policy, including the policy for Africa, and brought their vision to the development of this sphere, although the greatest contribution to the formation of relations of the Giant of Africa with other states of the continent was made during the years of the Fourth Republic (1999 – present), when, after a long period of military rule, civilian politicians came to power in the country. Throughout the entire period of independent development, the main principles of Nigeria’s formation of contacts with other countries were respect for equality and territorial integrity of sovereign states; non-interference in their internal affairs; active membership in international organizations; non-alignment with military-political blocs, etc. However, the main priority of Nigeria’s foreign policy in the post-colonial period was the development of relations with African countries – a phenomenon that has come to be known as Afrocentrism. In accordance with the principles declared in all Constitutions of the country (1960, 1979, 1993, and 1999), Nigeria made a great contribution to the struggle for the true political and economic independence of African countries, for the liberation of the continent from the remnants of colonialism and apartheid. Since the 1970s, when the country became one of the world’s largest oil producers and exporters and began to provide financial and logistical assistance to African countries in need, a new objective has appeared in its foreign policy – gaining the status of “the leader of the continent”. This desire has been fueled by the fact that Nigeria is the most populous state on the continent and has one of the largest and fastest growing economies in Africa. Not all Nigerian leaders were able to correctly identify political priorities and to a certain extent demonstrated naiveté, limiting their foreign policy primarily to the African direction. While in the first years of independence this was legitimate and justified, with the advent of globalization, the development of a multipolar world, and the transformation of the world political and economic order, it became necessary to ensure that Nigeria’s foreign policy was adapted to modern realities. Meanwhile, thanks to its economic potential, huge reserves of hydrocarbons, which all countries in the region need, and military-political power, Nigeria quite rightly claims a central role in coordinating joint efforts to achieve true economic and political independence by West African states, although one of the obstacles to the transformation Nigeria into a real “hegemon” both in West Africa and throughout the continent remains political instability in the country.


Author(s):  
Ekaterina Zanoskina ◽  

The research is motivated by the extensive literature on the role of African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) in boosting intra-African trade. The main contribution of the research to the academic field is that the author comprehensively approaches the impact of the AfCFTA on a separate economy, whereas the majority of the papers on the issue has focused on general effects. We consider that South Africa holds an important position in regional trade and will significantly grow and diversify its exports to the rest of Africa, as tariff and non-tariff barriers are eventually relaxed or removed entirely. This study aims to estimate the trade potential for South Africa with the rest of the continent in the context of the upcoming AfCFTA. The research questions raised are: Are there any trade opportunities for South Africa in Africa? What are the potential markets in Africa which need policymakers’ attention as far as the African Continental Free Trade Area is concerned? The study evaluates trade potentials in two steps. First, existing trade flows between South Africa and its AfCFTA-partners are analyzed, and volume of exports and geographic distribution are surveyed. After that, indexes and trade indicators are computed to assess opportunities for South Africa’s exports in each country partner. The finding reveals that there are unexploited trade opportunities for South Africa on the continent. The four more effective options are Tunisia, Egypt, Algeria, Morocco. Nevertheless, South Africa is more likely to pay attention to less remote countries with high trade complementarity. Among them, there are Uganda, Tanzania, Kenya, Togo, Senegal, Cape Verde and Burundi. So, when designing the national African Continental Free Trade Area strategy, as it is done, South Africa could prioritize the issue of those markets.


Author(s):  
Sylvanus S. Mihungo ◽  
Leonarda Mwagike

The study objective was to examine the influence of staff competence on performance of procurement contracts management in public sector. The study employed a case study design as a mechanism of resource allocation. The study targeted a total of 142 employees of TIB Development Bank Ltd which is a public bank operating in Tanzania. Stratified sampling technique was employed to select 85 employees. Data were collected from the sample through interview and questionnaire and then were analyzed using both descriptive statistics and inferential statistics while factor analysis was used to test the suitability of the data for analysis. Findings from Multiple regression indicated that staff competence (β1 = 0.279, p < 0.05) had a positive and significant influence on the performance of procurement contracts management. Additionally, the correlation revealed that staff competence is likely to strongly improve procurement contracts management performance. It is also vital for the organization to provide training to the staff so as to allow them to develop new skills and knowledge on procurement contracts management in order to improve the performance of such contracts.


Author(s):  
Ivan Loshkariov ◽  
Ivan Kopytsev

In the article the authors consider elite dimension of the conflict in Tigray. Conducting the analysis of intra-elite processes allows both to find out the roots and to estimate the consequences of the most fast-moving conflict in the Horn of Africa. The research consists of five conceptual parts, which are preluded by a short description of the run of events. In the first part the conflict potential which takes its roots in 1994-2018 is explained. It starts with the basic notion that ethnic lines predetermine formation of elites in Ethiopia. Then the study shows that one of the main causes for the dispute which has severely divided political elites was the hegemony of the TPLF in government institutions. The second part refers to the transit of power. Here the point under consideration is redistribution of resources and particular strategies adopted by polarized elites. The analysis demonstrates that Abiy Ahmed and his allies did their best to deprive the TPLF leaders of power and economic resources. The TPLF resorted to ethnic mobilization while their rivals tried to break the unity of Tigrayans through stressing the existence of a class conflict. The third and the fourth chapters focus on the investigation of federal elites’ and «tigrayan clan’s» current positions respectively. In conclusion, the authors structure their findings and estimate the perspectives of inter-elites consensus. The research provides three important conclusions. Firstly, the roots of the conflict led to the formation of «action-response» cycles which was the basis for a rapid development and escalation. Secondly, the ongoing war even consolidates ruling elites in their fear of the TPLF. Finally, de-escalation and negotiations may become possible amid internal disputes in the Prosperity Party.


Author(s):  
Leonid Fituni ◽  

Using the example of one of the poorest and economically most vulnerable states in the world – the Republic of Burundi – the article examines the impact of international sanctions on foreign and domestic policy as well as upon the economic situation in sovereign states of African. The author demonstrates that, despite the severe destructive consequences of the economic and political sanctions of external players, the use of restrictive regimes against “recalcitrant” actors of interstate relations does not automatically lead to a change in their line of behaviour or to the downfall of the ruling regimes. As the example of Burundi shows, even in the conditions of the poorest country in the world, well-thought-out political maneuvering and reasonable use of available resources can allow the targeted state and its elites to remain in power indefinitely and to maintain the political status quo.


Author(s):  
Boris Gorelik ◽  

A study of over 300 articles and opinion pieces in popular and academic publications in South Africa, issued in 2016–2021, shows that South African journalists and political scientists are sceptical of large state-sponsored economic projects involving Russian state companies. Statements by the Russian partners that the current economic initiatives uphold the tradition of Soviet assistance to the anti-apartheid movement are interpreted by critics of the South African government as demagoguery and exploitation of history. Such authors assert that Russian-South African state cooperation in business led to “dodgy deals” which were concluded in the interests of South African high officials as well as entrepreneurs associated with them. South African journalists and political scientists focus on internal political and economic problems, presenting Russian initiatives as an aggravating factor. Many leading members of the ANC and the EFF have spoken in favour of cooperation with Russian state companies. Such initiatives are also often supported by the Independent Media & News publications. Collaboration between Russian private companies and their local partners does not tend to raise objections from observers in that country. South Africans welcome joint ventures with Russian participation which not only create jobs and provide advanced training to their local personnel but also contribute to import substitution by establishing manufacturing facilities in South Africa. The previous failures have not discredited trade and economic cooperation with Russia. South Africans do not seem to be opposed to Russian economic initiatives, apart from major state projects which are often scrutinised by the media. A considerable number of South Africans view Russia as an alternative to the Western influence and favour economic collaboration between our countries.


Author(s):  
Aida Moseiko ◽  

The article is devoted to the topic of searching for cultural codes. It presents the author’s approach to understanding the place and role of the problem of cultural codes in modern studies of Africa. The article presents an overview of the main options for understanding and defining cultural codes from the standpoint of both theoretical-rational and empirical-intuitive approaches. The relevance of the topic of cultural codes is considered in two aspects: from the point of view of contribution to the scientific development of the problems of cultural codes as an interdisciplinary problem and from the point of view of solving the practical task of increasing the effectiveness of the system of Russian-African relations based on mutual understanding and mutual respect of partners. The problems of cultural codes are considered in the context of the global transformations of the 20th to 21st centuries with their great and tragic events that changed the essence and configuration of the regions of the world. Two world wars, the October Revolution, the collapse of the colonial system, the collapse of empires, the destruction of the USSR, the globalization of the world, the whole spectrum of postcolonial events raised the question of understanding countries and regions of each other around the world. As conclusions, the article defines the basic principles of studying African realities in the problem area of cultural codes: 1. Cultural codes of various cultures are value-semantic complexes formed on the basis of social experience and the information received in it. 2. Social experience is characterized by a number of parameters: geographical; geopolitical – defining relations with the outside world and the formation of historical memory, which in Africa is based on a generalized concept of the West, the image of the slave trade, colonization, racism, apartheid; and cultural and historical parameter. 3. Cultural codes form a semantic picture of the world, characteristic of each culture, on the basis of which people evaluate events and make choices that determine their activities and relationships. 4. Cultural codes evolve and change depending on social experience. 5. Cultural codes of different cultures interact in the forms of mutual influence or unilateral aggressive influence. Africa is characterized by the aggressive influence of Western culture, which has led to the emergence of border codes, the essence of which is the forced combination of traditional African codes with alien Western components. Hermeneutics, understood as the interpretation of the meanings of cultural texts, is considered as a research method. Two possible scenarios for the development of the border situation are considered: negative and positive. The negative scenario assumes the onset of acute social cataclysms, up to social chaos and the destruction of basic values. A positive scenario involves the renewal of society and the growth of its creative potential. It is necessary to predict the vector of development of the situation according to one of the above scenarios. The author believes that the deformation of African cultural codes and the “hacking” of Russia’s cultural codes of the late twentieth – early twenty-first century can become one of the points of contact that can consolidate Russian and African partners in the realization of the national interests of both sides.


Author(s):  
Nina Grishina ◽  

The Islamic Republic of Mauritania as an independent State emerged as a result of the collapse of colonial French West Africa, which included Mauritania. Its independence was declared on November 28, 1960. At the turning point of historical epochs, under the influence of national liberation movements on the continent and the general democratization of world government institutions, wide opportunities opened up for political activity, both for individual parties and movements, and for a particular individual. The pressure of foreign monopolies, the archaic social structure, internal political instability and the complexity of relations with neighboring countries have become serious obstacles to the development of Mauritania. During the years of independence, Mauritania has repeatedly experienced coups d’etat, which could not but have a negative impact on the entire socio-political spectrum of this West African country. Decades of French colonial influence has been reflected in the formation of political institutions in Mauritania, such as the Constitutional Council and the judiciary. Mauritania’s domestic policy has been based on racial and ethnic lines for many years. The protracted confrontation resulted in a conflict between the black population mainly in the south of the country and the traditionally Berber Arabs living in the northern regions, whose representatives held leading state posts. Each new head of state who came to power in post-colonial Mauritania, among the main tasks of domestic development, set the task of uniting various ethnic groups. Despite the obvious difficulties in solving this issue, the main tasks of the country’s leadership in the field of domestic policy are strict compliance with the current legislation in order to restore public confidence in state institutions and psychological restructuring of the consciousness of the vast majority of the population, aimed at developing a new attitude to domestic political life. In the 1980s, the country began a movement for the right of women to participate in the socio-economic sphere. But only in the 21st century did they gain the right to hold political office, although they are still required to live under Sharia law. At the level of public consciousness, the participation of women in politics and in other spheres of public activity is not approved. Traditional slavery is a special problem of socio-political development.


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