The Importance of Disability Identity, Self-Advocacy, and Disability Activism

Disability identity development is an important part of the experience of people with disabilities. Participation in disability community activism and advocacy for the goals of the disability community is related to self-advocacy and plays a fundamental role in shifting individuals’ views of themselves and their disabilities. This article explores a political disability identity conceptual framework and provides recommendations for teachers to develop an understanding of disability in school focused on self-worth and pride; awareness of discrimination, common cause within the disability community, and policy alternatives; and engagement in political action.

Moving Encounters With Spatial Racism: Walking in San Jose Japantown

In this article, I address how walking as a curatorial practice of storying a neighborhood facilitates an irreducible politics of place occurring as affective intensities at various registers, where everyday movements entangle with spatial enactments of racism. Working with theories of assemblage and immanent movement, I examine walking narratives in San Jose Japantown, California (U.S.), a historic, ethnic neighborhood historically subjected to U.S. government and banking practices of “redlining” and Japanese American incarceration and dislocation to prison camps. As an analytical method, assemblage requires attention to movement: material elements of arrangement, the relations they require, new arranging and arrangements they might enable, and how these arrangements are legitimated. I examine spatial racism as an assemblage, analyzing its affective qualities wherein attentiveness to immanent movement might breach the assemblage and, in doing so, reach toward radical reformation through memorialization, community activism and development.

Space, place, and perceived illegality: the unsanctioned Parkdale Overdose Prevention Site

In August 2018 the Ontario provincial government ordered the halt of several overdose prevention sites across the province. This paper will focus on an unsanctioned site that opened out of response to resist said closures. This study aims to explore how front-line volunteers navigated opening, maintaining, and closing an unsanctioned overdose prevention site amidst a neoliberal government, and whether it had any impact on service provision. The writer interviewed volunteers who frequently worked at the unsanctioned site, discussing their community, activism, and the ongoing efforts to support people who use drugs. The findings of this research suggest that the perception of illegality had impacts on funding, burnout, and community mobilization. Keywords: governmentality, harm reduction, people who use drugs, unsanctioned overdose prevention sites

Space, place, and perceived illegality: the unsanctioned Parkdale Overdose Prevention Site

In August 2018 the Ontario provincial government ordered the halt of several overdose prevention sites across the province. This paper will focus on an unsanctioned site that opened out of response to resist said closures. This study aims to explore how front-line volunteers navigated opening, maintaining, and closing an unsanctioned overdose prevention site amidst a neoliberal government, and whether it had any impact on service provision. The writer interviewed volunteers who frequently worked at the unsanctioned site, discussing their community, activism, and the ongoing efforts to support people who use drugs. The findings of this research suggest that the perception of illegality had impacts on funding, burnout, and community mobilization. Keywords: governmentality, harm reduction, people who use drugs, unsanctioned overdose prevention sites

Affective Politics, Activism and the Commons: From Wechto Grenfell

This article focuses on the activism of the Walterton and Elgin Action Group (WEAG) who successfully campaigned against attempts by the UK Conservative government in the 1980's to sell off their council homes to private tenders. Focusing on their inventive and creative actions, and the composition of the group not usually associated with militancy, the article takes the formation of WEAG as an example of affective politics and the cultivation of a housing commons-through-difference. What was foregrounded and became important were the relations of mutual dependence and care that existed and could be mobilised to stir collective action across categories of race, class, gender, disability and age. These relations existed at the nexus of personal histories including those of migration, poverty, displacement, social exclusion, homelessness, neglect and discrimination. These histories were mobilised within an area that had a strong history of community development and activism, and amongst a diverse group of tenants who had shared, yet different histories of displacement, suffering, and struggle having been forced to live in substandard conditions with little hope for the future. The Homes for Votes scandal and the WEAG campaign hover at the edges of the Grenfell tower tragedy in the present, making links across shared geographies and histories, particularly of displacement and suffering as well as community activism and politics, reminding us of what was and is possible beyond the devastation and neglect symbolised by the charred remains of the tower.

Egy-két gondolat a vitaindító nyomán

The future of the Romanian−Hungarian relationship is particularly topical in the light of the last hundred years. The importance of language skills, the factual presentation of autonomy, our openness to other minority groups, and our own community activism, regardless of election cycles, cannot be overemphasized.