The “New Opium War” of Republican China under the League of Nations: Distrust and Contention between the Chinese Government and the League

2022 ◽  
pp. 237-266
Itinerario ◽  
1993 ◽  
Vol 17 (2) ◽  
pp. 10-36 ◽  
Author(s):  
Zhuang Guotu

Sino-Western relations in the eighteenth century mainly found their expression in a particular mode of commercial transactions in Canton. The structure of the Western trade with China was based on silver and colonial products from India and the Malay archipelago, like silver, cotton, pepper, lead. These commodities were exchanged for Chinese tea, silk and porcelain by the mediation of the so-called Hong trades. As long as the trade structure was kept in balance the Westerners were able to make large profits and commercial relations remained the same. When the trade structure fell out balance through, for instance, a shortage of silver or the prohibition of opium smuggling, the Western powers resorted to force. The discontinuation of the traditional Sino-Western trade because of an imbalance in the trade structure eventually did not lead to the decline of trade, but to military conquest: the Opium War in 1840. This War enabled the Westerners, headed by the English, to revamp the structure of their trade with China on their own terms and forced the Chinese government into acceptance. Since then the process of the Western expansion into China was characterised by commercial expansion, military show of force and political control. In this essay I would like to analyze how the traditional structure of Sino-Western trade lost its equilibrium and to study the changing character of European expansion into China as a result of this imbalance during the period of 1740-1840.


2020 ◽  
Vol 9 (4) ◽  
pp. 133
Author(s):  
Zihao Chen

Collective security was originally based on a reflection on the cruel reality of centuries of European international relations. 17th-century William Penn, 18th-century Saint Pierre, Rousseau, Kant, Bentham, 19th-century Saint-Simon, U.S. President Woodrow Wilson at the beginning of the 20th century and others have designed different blueprints for peace. Their peaceful ideals of "idealists" and "utopians" were adopted in the collective security theory of the 20th century. The first attempt at collective security was the establishment of the "International League" after the end of the First World War. However, because the balance of power system of the international community is declining and flourishing, and the organization has no coercive force and no clear obligations for member states to participate in military disarmament, the concept and practice of the international alliance ended in failure. Japan occupied Northeast China in 1932, and the Chinese government subsequently appealed to the League of Nations and sought help, but the League of Nations did nothing but send a delegation. Subsequently, Japan withdrew from the League of Nations in 1933, which accelerated the disintegration of the League of Nations and had to say that collective security failed in the Far East.


1968 ◽  
Vol 42 (4) ◽  
pp. 418-442 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jacques M. Downs

Although much has been written about the British opium trade, American traffic in the drug has received little attention. Professor Downs' article reveals that American merchants played a significant innovating role in developing new sources of supply and expanding the market. These activities forced the monopolistic British East India Company to protect its opium trade to China and led to the Opium War in 1839, when the Chinese government attempted to stop importation of the narcotic.


2010 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
pp. 9-34 ◽  
Author(s):  
John Schrecker

AbstractAnson Burlingame (1820-1870), often neglected or misunderstood today, was an ardently antislavery congressman from Boston whom Abraham Lincoln appointed minister to China in 1861. Burlingame developed a Cooperative Policy that advocated peaceful means while upholding China's sovereignty and territorial integrity. The Chinese government subsequently appointed him China's first envoy to the Western powers. The first stop of the so-called Burlingame Mission was America, from March to September 1868. is article focuses on three topics: (1) How the mission's reception reflected the partisan struggle over Reconstruction and the push for racial equality. Republicans, the party of Reconstruction, proved sympathetic to the mission and to China, while the opposition Democrats were hostile. (2) How Burlingame presented Americans with a strongly favorable image of China to emphasize treating it with full respect and as a normal nation. (3) The Burlingame Treaty, the first equal treaty between China and a Western power after the Opium War, which sought to place China on a full and equal status in international affairs and to place Chinese in America on an equal footing with immigrants from other nations. Burlingame's friend, Mark Twain, wrote supportive articles.


2014 ◽  
Vol 49 (3) ◽  
pp. 858-894
Author(s):  
DAQING YANG

AbstractThis paper examines the key modern infrastructure of telecommunications in early Republican China, through the eyes of a Japanese, Nakayama Ryûji, who served as a telecommunications adviser to the Chinese government from 1913 to 1928. Nakayama's numerous reports and recommendations to his Chinese employer and frequent confidential dispatches to the Japanese government, when read together, constitute a fascinating prism. They not only reveal problems as well as the potential in China's telecommunications sector, they also highlight Japan's efforts to compete with other foreign actors in China through the provision of Japanese equipment, expertise, and loans. While Nakayama strove to shape China's telecommunications development in ways that would, in his view, benefit both China and Japan, his efforts were often undercut by the aggressive actions of the Japanese government in China, such as the infamous Twenty-One Demands. Though promising at first, Japan's influence on China's modernization in the early Republican era came to be more limited, especially when compared with the final decade of the Qing Dynasty. Ultimately, what can be seen through this Japanese prism confirms that the development of an information infrastructure in modern China, as elsewhere, was as much shaped by technological and economic forces as it was influenced by political and diplomatic factors.


2006 ◽  
Vol 49 (1) ◽  
pp. 143-169 ◽  
Author(s):  
Margherita Zanasi

In 1931, the Chinese minister of finance, Song Ziwen (T. V. Soong), reached an agreement with the League of Nations on a Program of Technical Cooperation with China. The program was intended to provide the Nationalist government—the republican government that ruled China from 1927 to 1949—with much-needed technological and financial aid in support of its nation-building effort. As a result, the League sent a number of experts to China. The first group focused mostly on public health, education, water conservation, and transportation (Zhang 1999). In 1933, however, the original agreement was revised and expanded to include economic development, with special emphasis on agriculture. In this context, a new group of League specialists visited China. Among them were three experts in rural cooperative societies: the Briton William Kenneth Hunter Campbell, the Italian Mario Dragoni, and the German Max Brauer.


Author(s):  
Song-Chuan Chen

The Warlike party believed it had the right to petition both the Chinese and British governments to have its voice heard and to obtain the justice it deserved. In this spirit, which seemed to be a product of enlightenment but was actually imperialism, the party engaged the Chinese government and went to London to lobby for war in 1835 and 1839. They met with Foreign Secretary Lord Palmerston and finally won his support in late 1839. They supplied him with a war strategy and, crucially, with knowledge of the weakness of Chinese military defences, which suggested that the war was easily winnable. Not many in London or the West had the means, at the time, to know China better than the British merchants of Canton. The military intelligence they supplied made a difference in the war decision. Britain fought and won the First Opium War, according to the plan the Warlike party supplied, prompting Palmerston, famously, to express his thanks to key Warlike party member William Jardine for the ‘assistance and information . . . so handsomely afforded’. The Nanking Treaty, signed after the war in 1842, fulfilled the demands that merchants had discussed in their maritime public sphere.


1971 ◽  
Vol 45 (4) ◽  
pp. 452-473 ◽  
Author(s):  
Noel H. Pugach

Despite the efforts of American government officials, attempts to establish a joint Chinese-American company to develop China's petroleum potential met with failure during the initial years of the Wilson administration. Duplicity and misunderstanding on the part of Standard Oil and of the Chinese government added another chapter to the dismal history of American business in China.


2019 ◽  
Vol 62 (4) ◽  
pp. 731-772
Author(s):  
Shirley Ye

AbstractSince the late imperial era, Yellow River floods have endangered the environmental equilibrium of North China, including parts of the Grand Canal. The Republican government’s response to water disasters reflected the influence of global networks and institutions of expertise. By turning to an American company for infrastructure work on the Grand Canal, Chinese government officials placed their faith in global science and finance to renew a domestic symbol of state power. The project failed; nonetheless the efforts to restore the waterways and provide relief reveal the entangled humanitarian, corporate, and educational interests of modern China’s state building and environmental management.


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