scholarly journals Działania wojenne gen. Żeligowskiego wobec Litwy. Próby rozstrzygnięcia konfliktu przez ligę narodów

2021 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 75-90
Author(s):  
Wiesław Łach

The situation after World War I was far from stabilizing, and the area of the Vilnius region became the subject of a conflict that for many years cast a shadow on Polish-Lithuanian relations. One should look at this conflict from the perspective of one hundred years, remembering that it turned into an antagonism so sharp and fierce that it even aroused the amazement of bystanders. The taken up topic has been presented in many aspects: events in August and September 1920 preceding the occupation of Vilnius, the position of General Lucjan Żeligowski to this situation, warfare (called "rebellion"), the establishment of Central Lithuania and an attempt to sanction the situation in the League of Nations forum. This paper is about a military and political activities of occupation of Vilnius and its neighboring areas by the Poland in October 1920. The originator of this undertaking was Józef Piłsudski. He admitted to it after years, exactly on the 24th and 25th of August 1923 during the lectures in the hall of the Grand Theater in Vilnius. Polish-Lithuanian relations in the analyzed years should be considered far from accepted international standards. Both Poles and Lithuanians can be held responsible in point of above facts. Awareness of these events is extremely important for both nations for mutual understanding and agreement.

1959 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 19-37
Author(s):  
M. S. Rajan

The United States has played a dominant role in the establishment of international organizations since World War I, especially with respect to the League of Nations and the UN. However, the United States is also largely responsible for some vital limitations on the functioning of these organizations. One, perhaps the most important, is the subject of this study.


1969 ◽  
Vol 23 (1) ◽  
pp. 73-96 ◽  
Author(s):  
WM. Roger Louis

The decision of the Supreme Council of the Paris Peace Conference in January 1919 to place the German colonies and Turkish territories under the supervision of the League of Nations raised serious political and legal questions to which no one had satisfactory answers. But, by contrast with the numerous recent studies of World War I and the Peace Conference that deal at least in passing with the origins and establishment of the mandates system, there are very few satisfactory scholarly essays that analyzer the aftermath of the Peace Conference's deliberations on international colonial affairs. The opening of the archives of the government of the United Kingdom after 1919 provides a good opportunity to review the subject and to examine what the unpublished records reveal about international supervision in colonial areas.


2019 ◽  
Vol 26 (2) ◽  
pp. 372-396
Author(s):  
Maja Spanu

International Relations scholarship disconnects the history of the so-called expansion of international society from the presence of hierarchies within it. In contrast, this article argues that these developments may in fact be premised on hierarchical arrangements whereby new states are subject to international tutelage as the price of acceptance to international society. It shows that hierarchies within international society are deeply entrenched with the politics of self-determination as international society expands. I substantiate this argument with primary and secondary material on the Minority Treaty provisions imposed on the new states in Central, Eastern and Southern Europe admitted to the League of Nations after World War I. The implications of this claim for International Relations scholarship are twofold. First, my argument contributes to debates on the making of the international system of states by showing that the process of expansion of international society is premised on hierarchy, among and within states. Second, it speaks to the growing body of scholarship on hierarchy in world politics by historicising where hierarchies come from, examining how diverse hierarchies are nested and intersect, and revealing how different actors navigate these hierarchies.


Author(s):  
Brent A. R. Hege

AbstractAs dialectical theology rose to prominence in the years following World War I, the new theologians sought to distance themselves from liberalism in a number of ways, an important one being a rejection of Schleiermacher’s methods and conclusions. In reading the history of Weimar-era theology as it has been written in the twentieth century one would be forgiven for assuming that Schleiermacher found no defenders during this time, as liberal theology quietly faded into the twilight. However, a closer examination of this period reveals a different story. The last generation of liberal theologians consistently appealed to Schleiermacher for support and inspiration, perhaps none more so than Georg Wobbermin, whom B. A. Gerrish has called a “captain of the liberal rearguard.” Wobbermin sought to construct a religio-psychological method on the basis of Schleiermacher’s definition of religion and on his “Copernican turn” toward the subject and resolutely defended such a method against the new dialectical theology long after liberal theology’s supposed demise. A consideration of Wobbermin’s appeals to Schleiermacher in his defense of the liberal program reveals a more complex picture of the state of theology in the Weimar period and of Schleiermacher’s legacy in German Protestant thought.


1996 ◽  
Vol 24 (3) ◽  
pp. 371-376
Author(s):  
Andrew Ludanyi

The fate of Hungarian minorities in East Central Europe has been one of the most neglected subjects in the Western scholarly world. For the past fifty years the subject—at least prior to the late 1980s—was taboo in the successor states (except Yugoslavia), while in Hungary itself relatively few scholars dared to publish anything about this issue till the early 1980s. In the West, it was just not faddish, since most East European and Russian Area studies centers at American, French and English universities tended to think of the territorial status quo as “politically correct.” The Hungarian minorities, on the other hand, were a frustrating reminder that indeed the Entente after World War I, and the Allies after World War II, made major mistakes and significantly contributed to the pain and anguish of the peoples living in this region of the “shatter zone.”


2021 ◽  
Vol 20 (3) ◽  
pp. 21-40
Author(s):  
Katarzyna Zielińska ◽  

The aim of the study is an attempt to refer to the historiography of a small microregion at the border of today's provinces: Lubuskie and Wielkopolskie, called "Babimojszczyzna". The time perspective relating to the events of World War I, Polish-German disputes, as well as the transformations in Poland and Germany after 1989 requires a new approach to historical narratives. The thesis of the article is the assumption that the hitherto historiography of this complex microregion in Polish-German relations in the first half of the 20th century did not develop new approaches. Another problem is the lack of real effects under the research models on the Polish and German narratives of the last thirty years. Their lack is particularly noticed in the context of the condition of social memory in the vicinity of Babimost, where only the tradition of the Polish Uprising 1918-1919 and the struggle for Polishness is cultivated, without a broader context. The discussed region can also be an interesting example for other similar historical areas, which, like all borderlands, were the subject of natural osmosis rather than their contact.


2019 ◽  
pp. 38-59
Author(s):  
Harlow Robinson

The subject of this chapter is the Oscar-winning film All Quiet on the Western Front. After discussion of why the Laemmle family’s Universal Studios wanted to make film of Erich Maria Remarque’s celebrated novel, the chapter considers the screenplay adaptation, casting of Lew Ayres in leading role, the revolutionary sound design, influence of Sergei Eisenstein’s montage technique, reception and political reaction to the film in the United States, and changing attitudes towards World War I. The final section focuses on the hostile reception of the film in Germany, where it was used by the Nazi leaders, especially Joseph Goebbels, for propaganda purposes, and how the film’s global renown changed Milestone’s life.


Author(s):  
Jussi M. Hanhimäki

The International Peace Conference in 1899 established the Permanent Court of Arbitration as the first medium for international disputes, but it was the League of Nations, established in 1919 after World War I, which formed the framework of the system of international organizations seen today. The United Nations was created to manage the world's transformation in the aftermath of World War II. ‘The best hope of mankind? A brief history of the UN’ shows how the UN has grown from the 51 nations that signed the UN Charter in 1945 to 193 nations in 2015. The UN's first seven decades have seen many challenges with a mixture of success and failure.


2020 ◽  
pp. 132-163
Author(s):  
Kyle M. Lascurettes

How do we account for the vision of international order the American delegation pursued at the Paris Peace Conference after World War I, manifested most concretely in the Covenant of the League of Nations that was written by avowed liberal internationalist Woodrow Wilson? The dominant inclusive narrative of order construction in 1919 emphasizes America’s liberal institutions at home coupled with its president’s progressive ideals and sense of ideological mission in world affairs. By contrast, chapter 6 (“The Wilsonian Order Project”) argues that the new ideological threat posed by radical socialism after the Bolshevik Revolution in late 1917 actually played the most critical role in shaping the order preferences of Wilson and his principal advisers both before and during the Paris Peace Conference.


Author(s):  
S. Slonim

The roots of the South West Africa dispute relate back to the events that took place at the end of World War I and led to the creation of the League of Nations mandates system. More particularly, the conflict between the United Nations and South Africa cannot be understood except by tracing the manner in which South West Africa became a part of that system. The “great compromise” hammered out by President Wilson and the Dominion ministers at the Paris Peace Conference in 1919 produced a three-tiered system of mandates which reflected in a sliding scale a varied balancing of national and international interests. The result of the compromise was a divergency of interpretation that has endured to this day and in considerable measure has fostered and sustained the dispute in its present-day dimensions.


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