Marked colimits and higher cofinality

Given a marked $$\infty $$ ∞ -category $$\mathcal {D}^{\dagger }$$ D † (i.e. an $$\infty $$ ∞ -category equipped with a specified collection of morphisms) and a functor $$F: \mathcal {D}\rightarrow {\mathbb {B}}$$ F : D → B with values in an $$\infty $$ ∞ -bicategory, we define "Equation missing", the marked colimit of F. We provide a definition of weighted colimits in $$\infty $$ ∞ -bicategories when the indexing diagram is an $$\infty $$ ∞ -category and show that they can be computed in terms of marked colimits. In the maximally marked case $$\mathcal {D}^{\sharp }$$ D ♯ , our construction retrieves the $$\infty $$ ∞ -categorical colimit of F in the underlying $$\infty $$ ∞ -category $$\mathcal {B}\subseteq {\mathbb {B}}$$ B ⊆ B . In the specific case when "Equation missing", the $$\infty $$ ∞ -bicategory of $$\infty $$ ∞ -categories and $$\mathcal {D}^{\flat }$$ D ♭ is minimally marked, we recover the definition of lax colimit of Gepner–Haugseng–Nikolaus. We show that a suitable $$\infty $$ ∞ -localization of the associated coCartesian fibration $${\text {Un}}_{\mathcal {D}}(F)$$ Un D ( F ) computes "Equation missing". Our main theorem is a characterization of those functors of marked $$\infty $$ ∞ -categories $${f:\mathcal {C}^{\dagger } \rightarrow \mathcal {D}^{\dagger }}$$ f : C † → D † which are marked cofinal. More precisely, we provide sufficient and necessary criteria for the restriction of diagrams along f to preserve marked colimits

ELF as multilingual “edulect” in a bilingual university

The role of English at European universities outside English-speaking countries has recently been so dynamic and complex as to merit elaborate acronyms and frameworks of comparison to capture the actual diversity involved in each case of using English, for example in what Dafouz and Smit (Dafouz, Emma and Ute Smit. 2014. Towards a dynamic conceptual framework for English-medium education in multilingual university settings.Applied Linguistics37[3]: 397–415) subsume under English-medium education in the international university. This contribution, however, looks at ELFFRA, English as a lingua franca in academic settings at the bi- and multilingual University of Fribourg, Switzerland. When English first became officially acknowledged as an additional academic language in 2005, being preceded by a period of “unruly” emergence, it was often the marked case, even in and for its local disciplinary speech events. Its current use at UFR as the default in some English-medium study programmes is by no means uniform or monolingual either. Meanwhile in the promotion of bilingualism in French and German, English is mostly “included” – reminiscent of the semiotics of the 2005 nonce coinage of “bi(tri)lingualism.” This contribution will revisit ideas about the “edulect” role of ELFFRA (Schaller-Schwaner, Iris. 2017.The many faces of English at Switzerland’s Bilingual University: English as an academic lingua franca at the institutionally bilingual University of Freiburg/Fribourg – a contextual analysis of its agentive use. Vienna: University of Vienna doctoral thesis) but look for it in unusual and under-researched places where it is indeed “included” viz. in beginners’ university language courses teaching the local languages French and German. First explorations will be shared and discussed with a view to what this might mean for ELF(A) and edulect.

Unusual manner constructions in Shua (Khoe-Kwadi, Botswana)

This paper describes a set of three interrelated constructions in Shua (Khoe-Kwadi, Botswana) that make reference to the manner of performance of an event, or to the condition of an entity or entities either in general or as they are involved in an event or situation. There is a subordinate version of the construction that employs reduplication of the verb and a marked case of the subject to signal subordinate status. The other two types are main clause constructions with the overall appearance of copular clauses (i.e., clauses employing a grammeme as a linking device), with a final ‘be’ copula together with an instance of the subordinate variety of the construction. These two constructions, however, show grammatical features that attest to their distinctiveness, distinguishing them from other types of copular clause. The paper discusses the range of meanings and uses of the three manner constructions, and proposes grammatical analyses.

The expression of object location with perlative preposition PER in Lithuanian

It is not unusual for a language to have one or several prepositions of originally perlative meaning that in certain pragmatic and syntactic contexts can designate location of some object (the trajector) on the other side of another, typically topographical, object (the landmark). In English such prepositions are across, through and over. In Lithuanian their sole counterpart is the preposition per. In Cognitive Grammar the cases when motion verbs or prepositions that presuppose motion are applied to designate static spatial relations between two objects are accounted for by using the notion of ‘subjective motion’ which, in its turn, is based on the notion of ‘subjectification’ (Langacker 2000, 2002, 2006). In other words, the subjective motion is defined as a cognitive operation in the course of which the conceptualizer mentally scans through the route that is presupposed by applying a motion verb or a perlative preposition. Thus the use of the lexemes of originally dynamic meaning is motivated for the designation of static spatial situations. The cases of the semantic extension mentioned above until now pose no problems for Lithuanian linguists, either lexicographers or grammarians. Thus the phenomenon of ‘locative’ use of the perlative preposition per in Lithuanian remains unidentified in dictionaries, and undescribed in grammars. No surprise, such uses of the preposition per are unattested in the Corpus of Contemporary Lithuanian, though in spoken everyday language and in the internet sources they are well attested. One may adduce structural and semantic arguments that the locative meaning ‘on the other side of’ of the perlative preposition under discussion is represented in the mental lexicon of the Lithuanian speaker and, thus, must be discerned as separate sense in dictionaries. To say more, without this sense unbridged semantic gap remains between the primary sense ‘through’ of the preposition per, representing ‘proto-scene’, and its derived senses of ‘distance’, ‘span of the time’, ‘more than’ and others − the fact of most relevance for the one who attempts to reconstruct the motivated semantic network (Tyler & Evans 2003) of this preposition. The main concern of the article, though, is not lexicography, but similarities and differences between locative usage of originally perlative construction [per + NPacc] and inherently locative constructions [kitapus + NPgen] and [anapus + NPgen]. On the first look these constructions seem synonymous: they have the same meaning ‘on the other side of’ and are mainly used in locative vs. existential sentences. But the deeper insight into the data collected from the internet sources shows that what distinguishes the first construction from the other two is the additional functional component of the ‘trajector control’ in its meaning: the construction [per + NPacc] is predominantly selected in the situations when it is relevant to the speaker not only to say that the object pointed at is on the other side of some topographical object and exactly in front of the viewer but it is within potential reach of this viewer as well. On the other hand, the construction [kitapus + NPgen] and [anapus + NPgen] is selected in the situations when the proximity of the dislocated object is not relevant to the speaker. Thus, in terms of distribution, the construction [per + NPacc], in its locative usage, with respect to its inherently locative counterparts represents the (functionally) marked case in Lithuanian.

The Category of Case in English and Albanian Nominal System: A Contrastive Analysis

The grammatical category of case, as one of the most discussed grammatical categories in English and one of the most specific categories in Albanian, has always attracted the researchers’ attention and, therefore, there are numerous studies about this category in these two respective languages. However, the main purpose of this article is to indicate that despite their different morphological structure which implies differences in their grammatical categories, English and Albanian, also show some similarities that concern the grammatical category of case and especially the genitive case as the only marked case in English nominal system. This article examined the grammatical category of case in English and Albanian nominal system through the contrastive method, emphasizing the differences that regard several aspects of the category of case, such as the number of cases in these two languages, the way they build their case forms, the use of prepositions in building the case forms, i.e., prepositions as case markers, and also several characteristics of the category of case that these two languages have in common. The results indicate that the similarities concern mainly the genitive case. Nouns in the genitive case, in English and Albanian, share some characteristics that concern their semantic functions, their use in “the double genitive” constructions, rules of forming such constructions, and the omission of the case markers without affecting meaning.

Rethinking Complementizer Agreement: Agree with a Case-Checked Goal

Agree(X, Subj) accounts for all agreement in West Germanic: complementizer agreement (CA) results from an Agree relation between uninterpretable φ-features of Fin0 (Rizzi 1997) and φ-features of the subject; subject-verb agreement (SA) spells out uninterpretable φ-features of T0 on V0 raised to T0, even in OV clauses (Haegeman 2000). Although DPs need Case to participate in Agree relations (Chomsky 2000), deletion-marked Case remains syntactically accessible until the next strong phase (Pesetsky and Torrego 2001), allowing CA and SA to cooccur. In Frisian, ‘that’ cannot agree in embedded VO clauses because it is in Force; the verb is in Fin0, bearing CA (contra Zwart 1997).

Effects of Prevalence and Test Diagnosticity upon Clinical Judgments of Probability

The process of revising diagnostic probabilities was studied to examine the relative influence of prior probability and test diagnosticity at various levels of clinical experience. The aims were to show changes with increasing seniority, to explore the effects of perceived seriousness of a disease, and to demonstrate systematic biases in handling probabilistic information. To these ends, 4 case vignettes were presented to 169 medical students in the three final years of the medical course and 25 residents. The data presented included the prior probabilities of two diseases and the true positive fraction of a single clinical manifestation of the rarer disease.Results showed a slightly increasing reliance on prior probability with increasing experience. The less experienced seemed most influenced by test results and by perceived seriousness of the disease. In some vignettes judgment seemed to depend on representativeness. In others, the most plausible explanation of the diagnostic choice would have been availability. Marked case-to-case variation was noted for individuals and there was a general lack of systematic biases. Revision of diagnostic opinion often depended on preconceived notions, and prior probabilities tended to be ignored. These are clear indications for teaching the basics of decision theory to medical students and early post-graduates.

XVII.—Observations on the Blood in Gas Poisoning

SUMMARY1. In cases of gas poisoning in which symptoms persist there is an increase in the number of lymphocytes, relative and absolute, in the circulating blood. In slight cases this may not be beyond the normal limits, or in excess of what may be met with from other causes. In any marked case, however, the change is sufficiently striking to be of some importance in cases where the medical officer is in doubt as to the reliance to be placed upon the statements of men complaining of having been gassed.2. The blood change is elicited by a differential count of the leucocytes, and it may be taken that a count in which the percentage of lymphocytes approaches that of the polymorpho-nuclear leucocytes indicates that the patient is still suffering from the effects of gassing, provided always that there is no other complicating disease present which might produce a similar change. A slight relative lymphocytosis is not an uncommon finding, and particularly in men from overseas, so that no great reliance can be placed upon the sign unless it is marked, i.e. unless the percentage of lymphocytes approaches closely that of the polymorpho-nuclear cells.3. The cell which is increased is the ordinary small lymphocyte of the blood. There may be, in some cases, a diminution in the number of polymorpho-nuclear leucocytes which will, of course, accentuate the sign, but the increase of lymphocytes is an absolute one. Moreover, it appears in cases with a high leucocyte count.4. The change is one which develops early, probably within a month of the gassing, and continues for a long time, in cases with persistent symptoms for at least eighteen months.5. The change appears to be independent of the kind of gas, and it is shown by patients exhibiting many varieties of symptoms.6. It is not clear what the change is due to, but from analogy with other conditions exhibiting a lymphocytosis it is probable that chronic inflammatory change in respiratory and gastric mucous membranes is at least a factor.