ethnic media
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2021 ◽  
pp. 074355842110621
Author(s):  
Nicole Martins ◽  
Amy Gonzales ◽  
Dana Mastro

The goal of this study was to apply insights from social identity gratifications and ethnic/racial identity development frameworks to better understand how adolescents perceive, select, and avoid media content which has the potential to damage self-and group-concept. We conducted focus groups with 32 Latino adolescents aged 13 to 15. We found mixed evidence that youth prioritized the ethnicity of characters in program selection. Most referenced personality or age as the primary identity-based factors of interest. Although students widely recognized negative stereotypes of Latinos in mainstream English-language media, this did not overwhelmingly dictate media choices, seemingly due to lack of alternative choices. In contrast, Spanish language programming offered a positive alternative to English-language media and may serve identity needs. The theoretical and practical implications are discussed.


2021 ◽  
Vol 9 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sibo Chen

Over the past 2 decades, Alberta’s bitumen industry has emerged as a major point of contention in Canadian politics, with the Trans Mountain pipeline expansion (TMX) project being a recent controversy that has attracted both domestic and international media attention. This brief research report focuses on news coverage of TMX in a rarely studied form of ethnic media: WeChat newsfeeds (known as “public accounts”) targeting Chinese diasporas across Canadian metropolises. A thematic analysis of TMX-related WeChat articles published between January 2016 and May 2021 reveals an overall negative attitude toward the project’s opponents. This stance is mainly due to WeChat public accounts’ heavy reliance on the Canadian mainstream media’s framing of TMX. As a result, the Canadian mainstream media’s downplay of the climate emergency and decarbonization sets the news agendas of the surveyed WeChat public accounts. Accordingly, there is an urgent need to develop non-English alternative media to engage ethnic minority groups in broader public conversations on climate change mitigation.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Caleb Hoyle

<p>New Zealand’s ethnic Chinese population has grown significantly since the selection criteria of immigrants shifted from being defined by ethnic or national origin to personal merit in 1987. The ease with which non-citizens can vote in New Zealand, and the potential of New Zealand’s Mixed Member Proportional electoral system to amplify the political impact of minority groups means that informing this growing demographic is crucially important. Many recent migrants are prevented by language barriers from accessing English language news. Consequently, the Chinese language ethnic media constitute the key source of political information for many ethnic Chinese voters. Because of this, these media are expected to provide a civic forum for pluralistic debate enabling those with the right to vote to do so in a way that is congruent with their political and social preferences. Despite their importance, the ethnic Chinese language ethnic media in New Zealand have been the subject of few studies.  In response, this thesis utilises the method of content analysis to examine civic forums provided by the Chinese Herald, Home Voice, and the New Zealand Messenger during the 2008, 2011 and 2014 general election campaigns. The findings indicate that political coverage deviated from the normative expectations of the civic forum in a number of ways, including a strong incumbency bias – particularly when the National Party was in power; high levels of favourable coverage towards the ACT Party and the consequent marginalisation of many other parties. In addition, National Party candidate Yang Jian occupied a position of unique visibility during the 2014 election campaign while New Zealand First were subject to high levels of negative coverage. These normative deviations, possibly stemming from the resource constraints that the newspapers operate within and coupled with their role as ethnic media outlets serving and advocating for minority groups, can hamper the readership’s capacity for meaningful electoral participation.</p>


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Caleb Hoyle

<p>New Zealand’s ethnic Chinese population has grown significantly since the selection criteria of immigrants shifted from being defined by ethnic or national origin to personal merit in 1987. The ease with which non-citizens can vote in New Zealand, and the potential of New Zealand’s Mixed Member Proportional electoral system to amplify the political impact of minority groups means that informing this growing demographic is crucially important. Many recent migrants are prevented by language barriers from accessing English language news. Consequently, the Chinese language ethnic media constitute the key source of political information for many ethnic Chinese voters. Because of this, these media are expected to provide a civic forum for pluralistic debate enabling those with the right to vote to do so in a way that is congruent with their political and social preferences. Despite their importance, the ethnic Chinese language ethnic media in New Zealand have been the subject of few studies.  In response, this thesis utilises the method of content analysis to examine civic forums provided by the Chinese Herald, Home Voice, and the New Zealand Messenger during the 2008, 2011 and 2014 general election campaigns. The findings indicate that political coverage deviated from the normative expectations of the civic forum in a number of ways, including a strong incumbency bias – particularly when the National Party was in power; high levels of favourable coverage towards the ACT Party and the consequent marginalisation of many other parties. In addition, National Party candidate Yang Jian occupied a position of unique visibility during the 2014 election campaign while New Zealand First were subject to high levels of negative coverage. These normative deviations, possibly stemming from the resource constraints that the newspapers operate within and coupled with their role as ethnic media outlets serving and advocating for minority groups, can hamper the readership’s capacity for meaningful electoral participation.</p>


2021 ◽  
Vol 5 (Supplement_1) ◽  
pp. 473-473
Author(s):  
Hochang Lee ◽  
Miyong Kim ◽  
Haera Han

Abstract With increasing numbers of researchers targeting ethnic minorities to address health disparities, it is important to address the unique needs of Korean American (KA) older adults—a “hard to reach” yet one of the most rapidly increasing ethnic and age groups in the nation. The purpose of this paper is to describe the main barriers to research participation and to identify facilitators for recruitment of older KAs. We have analyzed recruitment data pertaining to more than 10 community-based KA research studies we have conducted for the last ten years. There were a number of unique recruitment challenges in regard to the culture, language, and sociodemographic characteristics of the participants. Examples of effective recruitment strategies included: aligning the research agenda with the priorities of the community; establishing collaboration with ethnic churches and ethnic media; recruiting and training bilingual volunteers and community health workers; and placing liaison research staff in the community.


2021 ◽  
pp. 194016122110508
Author(s):  
Barbara Gomez-Aguinaga

While the number of U.S. residents who speak non-English languages at home is on the rise, little is known about the sociopolitical implications of exposure to minority languages among multilingual speakers in the United States. This study analyzes whether exposure to Spanish, a U.S. minority language, impacts perceptions of linked fate among bilingual Latinos, and if so, whether the consumption of ethnic media amplifies this effect. Through a population-based survey experiment among bilingual Latinos, this study finds that Latinos who are exposed to content in Spanish are more likely to report in-group linked fate than their counterparts exposed to the same message in English. Moreover, these effects are stronger among consumers of Spanish-language news. This study contributes to our understanding of the role of minority languages and ethnic media on pan-ethnic identities and highlights the importance of the growing linguistic diversity in the United States.


Author(s):  
Fan Yang

This paper contextualizes an alternative perspective to a common academic discourse that ethnic media in the West provide a voice for the marginalized from the original bourgeois public sphere. The paper investigates an emergent industry – news-focused WeChat Official Accounts (hereafter WOAs) in Australia. The WOA is an information broadcasting feature launched on WeChat in August 2013 and then adopted by Australian-Chinese media entrepreneurs to produce and circulate the ethno-specific news stories among the Chinese diaspora in Australia and even beyond. From 2019 to 2020, I interviewed 24 media professionals to understand the internal working of news-focused WOAs in Australia. I argue that the anatomy of these Chinese-language digital media organizations reveals their financial independence from the nation-state in contrast to Australian hegemonic taxpayer-sponsored media. Contrary to many media scholars have argued, news-focused WOAs do not completely represent antithetical voices to Australian English media. The commercial imperative does not translate well into agonistic pluralism. News-focused WOAs are attached to the hegemonic journalism and internalize interethnic racism alongside white supremacist discourse against black people in order to be part of the dominant media structure.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
April Lindgren

The editors and publishers of ethnic newspapers acknowledge the importance of reporting local news in helping their readers understand Canadian society. Yet detailed analyses of news content produced by ethnic media organizations often find that information that fosters understanding of life in Canada takes second place to news from the group‟s home country. This study investigates the local news content published about the Greater Toronto Area in the Chinese-language newspaper Ming Pao(Toronto-area edition) and identifies a significant imbalance in the mix of local news versus homeland news from China, Taiwan, and Hong Kong. The author argues that newcomers trying to understand their adopted place would benefit from access to more extensive and varied local news and suggests that providing journalists who work in ethnic news media with greater opportunities for professional development would be one way to achieve this goal. Programs could include journalism skills workshops as well as seminars that explore the role of local news in helping immigrants adapt. Professional development sessions would also bring together journalists from different ethnocultural communities to discuss the challenges they face, develop joint projects, and acquaint editors and publishers with the latest research on the role of local news in fostering intercultural understanding.


2021 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Judy Nguyen ◽  
Robin Solomon

Several studies have found that Vietnamese Americans display Republican voting patterns in U.S. elections compared to Democratic voting patterns found in other Asian American ethnic groups. The literature in the field speculates that these voting patterns can be explained by cultural beliefs attained from the Vietnam War and disdain for communism and China. Other research has explored the prevalence of ethnic media usage in the Vietnamese American community. This study aims to explore the role of ethnic media usage on Vietnamese American immigrant voting patterns. To investigate this phenomenon, semi-structured qualitative interviews were conducted with six Vietnamese American immigrants ranging from the ages of 30 to 54. The collected data was analyzed by coding for themes (thematic analysis). Analysis of the interview responses demonstrated that ethnic media usage has a significant impact on voting patterns and political beliefs. The findings of this research indicate that Vietnamese Americans sought out ethnic media that would specifically cater to their pre-existing beliefs, solidifying their political views, and ultimately leading them to vote a certain way. With this understanding, future election campaigns should focus their efforts online through ethnic media outlets to better interact with the Vietnamese community. Further research is needed to explore this phenomenon in other ethnic groups and to ascertain the importance of ethnic media to immigrant populations.


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