Religion, Rational Political Theory, and the 2008 Presidential Election

2013 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 303-316 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jungyun Gill ◽  
James DeFronzo
Keyword(s):  
Political Theory ◽  
Presidential Election ◽  
The United States ◽  
Religious Culture ◽  
Presidential Candidate ◽  
2008 Presidential Election ◽  
Negative Effect ◽  
The Difference ◽  
The Military ◽  
Democratic Presidential Candidate

AbstractStates of the United States differ significantly in terms of politically salient religious culture. But prior to the 2008 presidential election several studies inspired by rational political theory that found that during war time voting districts with high rates of military fatalities were more likely to vote against incumbent candidates and for anti-war candidates failed to control for variation in religious culture. In the present study, multivariate analyses that controlled for local differences in religious culture found that Iraq War military fatalities had an overall positive effect on the difference in the percent of the vote received in the 50 states and the District of Columbia by the anti-war Democratic presidential candidate Barack Obama in the 2008 election and the pre-war Democratic presidential candidate Al Gore in the 2000 election. Tests for interaction, however, also found that the magnitude and ultimately the direction of this effect were conditioned by religious culture. In states with very high percentages of evangelical Protestants, the military fatality rate actually appeared to have a negative effect.

The Kurdish Civil War and Peace Negotiations, 1994–1998

2021 ◽  
pp. 002190962110624
Author(s):  
Dana Ali Salih ◽  
Hawre Hasan Hama
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
Democratic Party ◽  
The United States ◽  
War And Peace ◽  
Peace Agreement ◽  
Peace Negotiations ◽  
Contingency Model ◽  
The Us ◽  
The Difference ◽  
The Military

The Kurdish Civil War between the military forces of the Kurdistan Democratic Party (KDP) and the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan (PUK) began in 1994. Despite frequently occurring peace talks throughout the conflict, negotiations failed to bring about a durable settlement until the United States brokered the Washington Peace Agreement in 1998. This research explores why the earlier negotiations were unsuccessful, and whether it was only the US mediation in 1998 which made the difference. Although the US mediation was clearly an important factor, by employing the contingency model this research argues that both contextual variables and process variables determined the success of negotiations in 1998. Furthermore, they can explain the failure of the previous 4 years of negotiations.

scholarly journals INTERVENSI KEBIJAKAN MONETER TERHADAP INVESTASI PORTOFOLIO: KASUS INDONESIA DAN AMERIKA SERIKAT

2020 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 1
Author(s):  
Nanda Alfarina ◽  
Hasdi Aimon
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Interest Rate ◽  
Secondary Data ◽  
The United States ◽  
Portfolio Investment ◽  
Mechanism Analysis ◽  
Long Run ◽  
Negative Effect ◽  
The Difference ◽  
Effect Of Monetary Policy

This study aims to determine the effect of monetary policy measured by the central bank’s policy rate (X1) on portfolio investment (Y) in Indonesia and United States in the long run. The data used are secondary data seouced from SEKI BI, FRED The FEd, coinmarketcap.com, and investing.com, with the VECM (Vector Error Correction Mechanism) analysis methode. The study show The study shows the differences between the results that occur in Indonesia and the United States. The policy interest rate has a significant positive effect on portfolio investment in the long run in Indonesia, while in the United States the interest rate in the long run has a significant negative effect on portfolio investment. The difference in research results between the two countries shows the need for different treatment for monetary authorities in encouraging portfolio investment 

Analysis of Black American Voters in Barack Obama’s Victory

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Martin Kilson
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
African American ◽  
Presidential Election ◽  
The United States ◽  
Black American ◽  
Unique Contribution ◽  
2008 Presidential Election ◽  
Black Voter ◽  
American President

This chapter probes the electoral attributes of a special political dynamic that contributed significantly to Barack Obama's victory in both the 2008 Democratic primary contests and in the national presidential election. That special political dynamic involved the unique contribution of African American voters (hereafter referred to as the Black Voter Bloc or BVB) in facilitating Obama's election as the first African American President of the United States. It argues that the BVB played a critical electoral role in the Obama campaign's delegate count victory in the Democratic primaries by early July 2008 and in the Obama–Biden Democratic ticket's victory over the McCain–Palin Republican ticket in the November 4, 2008, presidential election.

Experiencing vicarious rejection in the wake of the 2016 presidential election

2018 ◽  
Vol 23 (2) ◽  
pp. 179-194
Author(s):  
Heather M. Claypool ◽  
Alejandro Trujillo ◽  
Michael J. Bernstein ◽  
Steven Young
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Presidential Election ◽  
Presidential Elections ◽  
The United States ◽  
Political Orientation ◽  
Presidential Candidate ◽  
Hillary Clinton ◽  
Social Pain ◽  
Donald Trump ◽  
Before And After

Presidential elections in the United States pit two (or more) candidates against each other. Voters elect one and reject the others. This work tested the hypothesis that supporters of a losing presidential candidate may experience that defeat as a personal rejection. Before and after the 2016 U.S. presidential election between Donald Trump and Hillary Clinton, voters reported their current feelings of rejection and social pain, along with potential predictors of these feelings. Relative to Trump supporters, Clinton (losing candidate) supporters reported greater feelings of rejection, lower mood, and reduced fundamental needs post-election, while controlling for pre-election levels of these variables. Moreover, as self–candidate closeness and liberal political orientation increased, so too did feelings of rejection and social pain among Clinton supporters. We discuss the implications of these results for understanding human sensitivity to belonging threats and for the vicarious rejection literature.

Intercohort Variations in the Education–Health Gradient: Sociohistorical Changes in Early-Life Selection Mechanisms in the United States

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tirth R Bhatta
Keyword(s):  
Early Life ◽  
Functional Limitations ◽  
Later Life ◽  
The United States ◽  
Functional Health ◽  
Birth Cohorts ◽  
Negative Effects ◽  
Negative Effect ◽  
The Difference ◽  
Selection Mechanisms

Abstract Objectives Most prior studies on cohort-specific changes in the education gradient relative to health treat the distribution of education within a particular cohort as a “starting place” for understanding later-life health disparities. This premise has obfuscated the role that sociohistorical changes in early-life selection mechanisms play in the widening of education-based inequalities in functional limitations across birth cohorts. Methods Drawing from the Health and Retirement Survey (1992–2016; n = 20,920), this study employs inverse probability weight (IPW) to account for early-life selection mechanisms that are likely to affect both educational attainment and functional limitations. IPW-adjusted generalized linear mixed-effects models were used to estimate the total effect of education on functional limitations across birth cohorts (born 1924–1959). Results A significant linear decline in the negative effects of childhood socioeconomic disadvantage on education (β = 0.005, p < .01) over the birth year was documented. By contrast, the same variable’s negative effect on functional health increased significantly (β = 0.006, p < .001) across cohorts. Adjustment for childhood socioeconomic status did yield narrower education-based inequalities in functional limitations, but the difference between IPW-adjusted and unadjusted results was not statistically significant. The pattern of significant widening of education-based inequalities (β = −0.05, p < .001) in functional limitations across birth cohorts was maintained. Discussion This study underscores the role that sociohistorical changes in early-life selection mechanisms play in modifying patterns of education-based inequalities in health across cohorts.

scholarly journals A CHANGE HAS COME

2009 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-14 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lawrence D. Bobo ◽  
Michael C. Dawson
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Economic Crisis ◽  
Presidential Election ◽  
The United States ◽  
2008 Presidential Election ◽  
Incumbent Party ◽  
Racial Divide ◽  
American Racism

Has Barack Obama's success transformed the racial divide? Did he somehow transcend or help bring to an end centuries of racial division in the United States? Did he deliberately run a strategically race-neutral, race-evading campaign? Did his race and ingrained American racism constrain the reach of his success? Have we arrived at that postracial moment that has long been the stuff of dreams and high oratory? Or was the outcome of the 2008 presidential election driven entirely by nonracial factors, such as a weak Republican ticket, an incumbent party saddled with defending an unpopular war, and a worsening economic crisis? It is at once too simple and yet entirely appropriate to say that the answers to these questions are, in a phrase, complicated matters. These complexities can, however, be brought into sharper focus.

Is Obama’s Win a Gain for Blacks?

2010 ◽  
Vol 41 (3) ◽  
pp. 147-151 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael J. Bernstein ◽  
Steven G. Young ◽  
Heather M. Claypool
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
African American ◽  
Race Relations ◽  
Presidential Election ◽  
Intergroup Relations ◽  
The United States ◽  
2008 Presidential Election ◽  
Explicit Prejudice ◽  
Implicit Prejudice ◽  
The Impact

Many have questioned what Barack Obama’s victory in the 2008 presidential election means for prejudice and intergroup relations in the United States. In this study, we examined both explicit and implicit prejudice toward African Americans prior to and immediately following the election of the first African American to the nation’s highest office. Results indicated that implicit prejudice (as measured by an IAT) decreased following Obama’s victory, though explicit prejudice remained unchanged. The results are discussed in terms of the malleability of implicit attitudes, race relations, and the impact an Obama presidency and other positive exemplars may have on intergroup relations.

scholarly journals Political Geography of the South: A Spatial Analysis of the 2008 Presidential Election

2018 ◽  
Vol 34 ◽  
pp. 227-240 ◽  
Author(s):  
Chad J. Kinsella
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Spatial Analysis ◽  
Presidential Election ◽  
Voting Behavior ◽  
The United States ◽  
Census Bureau ◽  
United States Census ◽  
The South ◽  
United States Census Bureau ◽  
2008 Presidential Election

The region identified as the "South" arguably has been and continues to be the most politically interesting and analyzed region in the United States. Using election results and county maps of the eleven southern states, this study provides a spatial analysis of the counties in this region. Through the use of Geographic Information Systems (GIS), this study analyzes the 2008 presidential election using counties as the unit of analysis within these states. This exploratory study will provide data as to which candidate won each county as well as a "landslide" county map that denotes counties that supported a candidate by a margin of twenty percent or more. This study will also investigate the difference in county-level voting between the 2004 and 2008 election to see how the preferences of the electorates changed. Finally, a contextual analysis, using data gathered from the United States Census Bureau will identify county population demographics that help explain voting behavior as well as the change in vote between 2004 and 2008.

Newsletter

2001 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Alleen Pace Nilsen
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
American History ◽  
Presidential Election ◽  
The United States ◽  
Bright Spot ◽  
Presidential Candidate ◽  
The One

AbstractEven before the complications of counting hanging chads, dimples, and pregnants on the Florida ballots, the United States' 2000 Presidential election was chalked up as a situation in which people were laughing more at the candidates than with them. The one bright spot was Joseph I. Lieberman, who “became the first vice-presidential candidate in American history to begin his convention speech with a mother-in-law joke.” After he was introduced by his wife, Hadassah, he said.

scholarly journals Local Public Corruption and Bank Lending Activity in the United States

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Theodora Bermpei ◽  
Antonios Nikolaos Kalyvas ◽  
Leone Leonida
Keyword(s):  
Local Development ◽  
State Level ◽  
Bank Lending ◽  
The United States ◽  
Relationship Lending ◽  
Ceteris Paribus ◽  
Public Corruption ◽  
Negative Effect ◽  
The Difference ◽  
Lending Activity

AbstractUsing a conviction-based measure, we find that local (state-level) public corruption exerts a negative effect on the lending activity of US banks. Our baseline estimations show that the difference in public corruption between, for example, Alabama, where corruption is high, and Minnesota, where corruption is low, implies that banks headquartered in the former state grant 0.55% less credit (or $3.52 million for the average bank) ceteris paribus. Using proxies for relationship lending and monitoring, we also find that these bank characteristics weaken the negative effect of public corruption on lending. These results are robust to tests that address endogeneity, to the use of perception-based measures of corruption, and after controlling for credit demand conditions. In further analysis, we show that these effects are more evident for smaller banks and banks operating in a single state. These findings provide evidence that public corruption could facilitate information asymmetry in the lending market and, thus, could hinder local development by reducing bank credit.

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