A dog’s breakfast Brexit, 2016-18

The final chapter covers a turbulent period in British politics as Parties and politicians fought to present their version of a Brexit to the British public, which remained divided by nation, class, race, age, gender and geography. Civil servants joked about the creation of an Empire 2.00, and in July 2018 Prime Minister May produced a ‘Chequers Plan’ for a ‘soft Brexit’ which caused the resignation of several ministers, who were determined on a ‘hard Brexit’ which would decisively cut the country off from a European Union. Black and other minorities had made advances in plural coexistence in a reluctant society and many younger people were learning to live together. But there were few signs that the those in charge of education were willing or able to think what a system for a more equal, globally oriented, socially and racially just education system and curriculum would look like. There is little evidence that schools or higher education have come to terms with a post-imperial role and Britain’s changed position in the world, despite positive interventions by black and minority writers, academics and students. The consequences of xenophobic and racist understandings of past decades will not be changed by teaching questionable ‘British Values’ and continuing to blame migrants and minorities for the consequences of austerity programmes. Ignorance of the past and presentation of a future where Britain is ‘Great’ again is more likely to lead to hostile nationalist sentiments and continued blaming of migrants and minorities as the country comes to terms with its waning influence on world affairs.

Not so New Labour: Race and education, 2005-10

The legacy of wars overshadowed early positive race policies and there was intensified hostility to East European workers, Roma, Black British citizens and Muslims, a Prevent programme set up after 2005 feeding alienation among Muslims. Debates about Britishness, national identity and community cohesion persisted and education policymakers remained reluctant to recognise that market competition and school diversity were exacerbating social and racial divisions. Inequalities in wealth and income reached a high point in the early 2000s. The global financial crisis of 2008 affected all social classes but with migrants still blamed for problems, and further immigration controls were instigated. Gordon Brown took over as Prime Minister in 2007 and a contentious issue was the increase in higher education fees in 2004 to £3000, and a review which in 2010 led to fees of £9000 for university students.

Inequalities, a European Union and education markets, 1990-97

This chapter demonstrates that during the 1990s more tensions emerged over immigration after the signing of the Maarstricht Treaty on European Union in 1992 which guaranteed free movement of capital, services and people. There was also a surge in the number of refugees and asylum seekers from global conflicts. The 1991 Census included an ‘ethnic question’ and the geographical spread of settled minorities became clearer. Political ideologies of a white indigenous nation became more closely tied to assertions that a white majority were missing out in housing, health services and education. The chapter discusses the legislation which encompassed almost every aspect of education, turning education into a marketplace with parental ‘choice’ and competition between schools. The government took control of the curriculum and assessment and multicultural dimensions were derided and dismissed Much teacher preparation and university courses on race and education disappeared over the decade. Prime Minister Major left office declaring policies must be ‘colour blind’ and just tackle disadvantage.

Internal colonialism and its effects

This Chapter notes that the Brexit vote called into question the whole idea of a United Kingdom and a Union with Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland. These countries had been colonised by the English in much the same way that the Empire’s overseas colonies had been created. It overviews the way the Celtic areas were taken over and regarded as socially and culturally backward while being dominated politically and exploited for labour and food. It covers the conquest of the countries from Ireland in 1169, and attempts to Anglicise them through religion, language and education. It describes the secession of 22 counties to form the Republic of Ireland, with 6 counties remaining as Northern Ireland, and the eventual dependence in 2017 of the Conservative Party on votes from the Democratic Unionist Party to put laws required for Brexit in place.

Empire and ethnocentric education

Chapter I notes that while necessarily selective of historical events, explanations for the 2016 Brexit vote, trade wars, race and migrant antagonisms and hatreds must start with the British Empire, especially in the later 19th century when power and wealth were concentrated in a white world. Racial ignorance and assumptions of national superiority have continued into the 21st century. The chapter discusses the emergence of mass education from around 1870 which was influenced by events associated with imperialism and its ideologies. It records that British values and invented traditions, imbued with nationalism, militarism and racial arrogance, were filtered down from public schools to state secondary and elementary school. Teaching, textbooks and youth literature reflected and entrenched beliefs in the superiority of white people and distrust of foreigners. There were some signs that the white working class recognised a connection between imperial rule and their own class position.

Post-imperial anxieties and conflicts, 1970-90

Chapter 4 documents the way in which former colonised subjects with a variety of backgrounds, languages and religions were openly regarded as a threat to a British identity. Political moves included more immigration control and campaigns for repatriation. Violent clashes between the police and young minorities took place during the 1980s. Comprehensive schooling expanded and minorities were subsumed under the label of disadvantage. Attempts by teachers, local authorities, minority parents and academics to change policies in a multicultural and anti-racist direction were met with hostility. The public schools and some universities, educating many current politicians and civil servants, were not notable for embracing curriculum change. After a referendum the UK finally joined a European Economic Community in 1975.

Ending empire: Education for ignorance, 1945-1960s

This chapter covers the period 1945-1960. It links the collapse of the British Empire as former colonies fought for or gained their independence peacefully, with the education systems emerging in post-war Britain. The migration of workers from former colonies to fill job vacancies set the racist terms for subsequent discussion of immigration and citizenship rights. The period covers the expansion of education from the 1940s and the incorporations of migrant’s children into a class-based education system. There was minimal information about the realities of decolonisation and why minorities had arrived in the country. This was a period of education for ignorance as any discussion of the brutalities of decolonisation was missing from public discourse, and the school and university curricula remained ethnocentric. By the end of the 1960s Enoch Powell MP was claiming that a sense of being a persecuted minority was growing in the working class.

Introduction

This book sets out to explain the failure at all educational levels to alleviate ignorance about the British Empire, the Commonwealth and the European Union, which underpin a populist view that there should be a white British identity unencumbered by immigrants and refugees. It covers the period from 1870 when imperialism was at its height and mass education was developing, to 2018 when the decision to leave the EU was influenced by ideological and political beliefs deriving from imperial times. The introduction covers the ‘long goodbye of Empire and delusions that Britain can be ‘Great’ when rising inequality over four decades has led to social and economic insecurity with people blaming immigrants for low wages and social insecurity

A divided society: Race, class and education, 2010-16

This chapter covers the period of the Coalition government of Conservative and Liberal Democrats, and David Cameron’s Conservative government until the June 2016 referendum on leaving the European Union, after which Cameron resigned when there was a majority vote to leave. The governments initiated a programme of austerity and cuts to social and educational services which especially affected all working-class people, and there was more privatisation of public services. There was no acknowledgement that Britain had become a rich country helped by exploitation of an Empire, and austerity was blamed on the Labour government, immigrants and benefit claimants. It became public knowledge that as Home Secretary Theresa May had instigated a ‘hostile environment’ for immigrants which affected early Windrush generation settlers. Demonisation of Muslims reached a peak with reactions to a supposed ‘Trojan Horse’ infiltration of schools by Islamists. The ‘reforms’ introduced by Michael Gove ensured a narrowing of the curriculum, more competitive testing of children, and more control of teachers...There was no support for a curriculum which included real knowledge about the Empire, de-colonisation or the European Union. Education continued to reflect a status-based system with competition for the ‘best’ schools, higher education and employment chances.

New Labour: Wars, race and education, 1997-2005

The New Labour government under Prime Minister Blair came to power asserting that a modern nation valued diversity and recognised the inequalities facing minorities. The government initially claimed it could join market competion with social democracy and a reformed welfare state, claiming education as a priority. It continued the market driven legislation and central policy initiatives that had characterised Conservative rule, the academies programme initiated in 2002 eventually leading to a breakdown of a national democratic system. But it attempted to take on social and racial grievances. Thus, included setting up an inquiry into the Stephen Lawrence murder, offering Muslim schools state-funding on a par with other religions and creating an ethnic minority achievement grant. Rioting in northern towns in 2001 led to further claims that multiculturalism had failed and a commissioned report on the future of Multi-Ethnic Britain disowned. Blair supported seven wars during his tenure, the invasion of Afghanistan and Iraq helped to radicalise a small number of Muslims but led to a further scape - goating of all Muslims.