La lutte du Gouvernement français contre la Première Internationale

1938 ◽  
Vol 4 ◽  
pp. 39-138
Author(s):  
Georges Bourgin

The author of this article points out that up to the present there exists no critical study of the relation between the First International and the Commune. This he deems very regrettable, as ever since the year 1871 a connection has been established between the two movements.So did also the French Government, for when it had destroyed the Commune, it brought an action against the First International. To this end, Jules Favre ordered the French ambassadors to undertake the necessary steps with the governments to which they were accredited. The dispatches published in this article, which were the replies to Favre's circulars—also reproduced here—, reveal that these steps carried no direct results. For a greater knowledge, however, of facts and of the notions prevalent with the governments of various European countries, they are of considerable historical interest. Thiers, moreover, introduced a bill into the Assemblée Nationale to the effect of making punishable whoever was connected with the International. The Assemblée appointed a commission to examine this bill; the records of this commission are also to be found in the above article. An explanatory text, finally, links up the various documents published.

1997 ◽  
Vol 161 ◽  
pp. 53-68 ◽  
Author(s):  
S.J. Prais

The recently published results of mathematics tests set to representative samples of pupils in over forty countries provide an important opportunity to re-assess priorities for reforms in English schooling. Five Western European countries—Austria, Belgium, France, Netherlands, Switzerland—are suggested in this critical study as providing appropriate standards for England's immediate aims. Attainments there are shown to be about a year ahead of England for average pupils at age 14; the gap is larger for those of below-average attainment, suggesting some structural bias in English schooling. The gap is particularly evident in those arithmetical fundamentals which need to be mastered by all school-leavers (rather than in advanced aspects suitable only for mathematical specialists); and that gap has its clear origins at the primary level of schooling.


2011 ◽  
Vol 15 (1, 2 & 3) ◽  
pp. 2006
Author(s):  
Richard W. Bauman ◽  
Sarah L.M. Weingarten

The passage by the French government in March 2004 of a law prohibiting the conspicuous display of religious symbols and the wearing of religious apparel by students enrolled in public schools caused considerable controversy, not only within France, but in other quarters as well, for the law stopped female students affiliated with Islam from wearing religious headscarves. Muslim groups both inside and outside France responded critically. Among the notorious repercussions of this law was the subsequent kidnapping in Iraq of two French journalists.1 Somewhat less publicized (but equally important) events in the past year have been decisions by European courts arising out of human rights challenges to similar bans – made in Turkey and in the U.K. – that apply to students’ attire when attending public schools or universities.2 In this instance, multicultural values that would encourage students to display their religious commitments are subordinated. They must take second place to several European governments’ goal of promoting a strictly secular educational environment.


Author(s):  
Frederick Cooper

This chapter expresses that with the independence of Senegal and the other former French territories in Africa, the question arose of how to allocate the people living in or linked to each territory to the nationalities that had been created. As former territories became independent, France was shedding a significant portion of its nationals, some of whom had claims to being French dating to the seventeenth century, others of whom had acquired French nationality with the conquests of the late nineteenth century, and most of whom had had the rights of French citizens since 1946. The French government was not eager to get rid of its overseas citizens, even if it wanted to rid itself of the burdens of colonies. As such, Michel Debré announced in the Assemblée Nationale the government's intention to let the citizens of France from all over the French Community “reclaim without other formality” the citizenship that they might be losing or had already lost.


2016 ◽  
Vol 51 (1) ◽  
pp. 44-77 ◽  
Author(s):  
ANGELA ROMANO

AbstractThis article focuses on France's policy towards Socialist China in the decade preceding the spectacular and well-studied decision by President Charles de Gaulle to officially recognize the People's Republic of China (PRC). It argues that since the mid-1950s successive French governments discreetly orchestrated a process of rapprochement with the Communist authorities in Beijing. The article demonstrates that, at a time when the international situation discouraged steps towards official relations, the French government used commercial diplomacy as a means to open unofficial diplomatic channels with the Chinese and prepare the ground for future recognition. Relying mostly on French archival sources, this article brings to light evidence of the evolution of French diplomacy's thinking about Socialist China and assesses the rationales behind the French government's growing determination to normalize relations with it. It argues that the intensifying contest among European countries to reach out to Beijing, concerns about the PRC's appeal to developing countries, and an early appraisal of Sino-Soviet rivalry prompted French authorities to work for Sino-French rapprochement, while, at the same time, annoyance at the White House's obstinate refusal to revise its reading of Cold War dynamics weakened France's disposition to fall into line with American demands to maintain a harsh stance towards the PRC.


2016 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 44 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sarah Federman

In 1940, France, threatened with total annexation by Nazi Germany, signed an armistice agreement with Germany that placed the French government in Vichy France and divided the country into an occupied and unoccupied zone. The Armistice also requisitioned the rolling stock of the SNCF—French National Railways—which became a significant arm in the German effort, transporting soldiers, goods, and over 75,000 deportees crammed into merchandise wagons toward Nazi extermination camps. Between 3,000-5,000 survived. Of the roughly 400,000 SNCF employees, Nazis murdered a couple of thousand for resistance or alleged in subordination. Railway men who resisted the Germans also often has to resist their employer as well. After the liberation of French at the end of WWII, the company—not simply the brave individuals -- received France’s Medal of Honor for its alleged role in the ultimate defeat of the Germans. This medal, along with other postwar propaganda in the form of films and books, instilled a singular narrative about the company’s heroic wartime role. This narrative continued uninterrupted until the 1980s. Those who returned, along with the relatives of many who did not, increasingly challenge the company’s simplified wartime narrative. In the 1990s, lawsuits against the company began in France and continue through 2016 in the United States. In response, the SNCF made efforts to intertwine story of deportation with the company narrative of resistance. One key forum for this attempt was a colloquium held in 2000 at the Assemblée Nationale in Paris.That colloquium is examined here through the lenses of three forms of narrative analysis: structural, functional, and post-structural. Each analytic frame illuminates different challenges to that colloquium’s attempts at revising history through altering a mystified institutional narrative. Through the analysis of this case, the author establishes the power of these analytic frameworks when examining problematic discursive spaces that hold in place master narratives and limit moral work.


Upravlenie ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 133-138
Author(s):  
L. D. Efanova

The “yellow vests” protest movement began in France at the end of 2018. These protests are the most widespread in the country since 1968. The causes of the emergence of the “yellow vests” movement and the dynamics of the involvement in them of representatives of various regions of France have been considered in the article. Initially, the protesters expressed disagreement with the increase in taxes on fuel as a claim against the French government. Gradually, the requirements expanded more and more, acquiring political overtones.Most of the population began to live worse due to lower incomes. The rating of the French President E. Macron has fallen markedly since his inauguration, and the support of the country’s population has declined significantly. During his presidency, tax breaks mainly affected only large businesses. The poor people were disadvantaged due to the reduction of social payments, as well as an increase in direct and indirect taxes.The main reasons of occurence of the “yellow vests” movement are the dissatisfaction of the French with their economic position and the decline in the living standards. The article notes, that this movement has gone beyond the borders of France, covering other Western European countries such as Belgium, Spain, Italy, Germany, Sweden, which are experiencing similar problems. The main differences of this protest movement from those, that happened in France before, have been considered in the article. The economic and political demands, that were put forward by the protesters to their government and President E. Macron have been presented. The prospects for the development of the “yellow vests” movement in modern France have been considered.


2019 ◽  
Vol 3 (6) ◽  
pp. 723-729
Author(s):  
Roslyn Gleadow ◽  
Jim Hanan ◽  
Alan Dorin

Food security and the sustainability of native ecosystems depends on plant-insect interactions in countless ways. Recently reported rapid and immense declines in insect numbers due to climate change, the use of pesticides and herbicides, the introduction of agricultural monocultures, and the destruction of insect native habitat, are all potential contributors to this grave situation. Some researchers are working towards a future where natural insect pollinators might be replaced with free-flying robotic bees, an ecologically problematic proposal. We argue instead that creating environments that are friendly to bees and exploring the use of other species for pollination and bio-control, particularly in non-European countries, are more ecologically sound approaches. The computer simulation of insect-plant interactions is a far more measured application of technology that may assist in managing, or averting, ‘Insect Armageddon' from both practical and ethical viewpoints.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document