Housing Inequalities, Crime, and the Criminal Justice System: The Shifting Context in England and Wales since the 1980s

One of the first steps Margaret Thatcher’s government took following their election in 1979 was to introduce legislation that enabled sitting council tenants to buy their council homes. This chapter assesses the legacy of this policy on the experiences of homelessness and contact with the criminal justice system of two cohorts of UK citizens. Using longitudinal studies of people born in 1958 and 1970, the authors explore how policies intended to turn council tenants into property owners, may have also increased the risks of homelessness, and contact with the criminal justice system for others as well as subsequent generations. The authors assess how legislative changes can shape the lives of citizens, and highlight some of the unintended consequences of the ‘right to buy’ policy. Our chapter, therefore is essentially about the investigation of the outcomes of radical system deregulation. Our chapter draws upon concepts derived from life-course studies and historical institutionalist thinking in order to understand in-depth how radical policy changes may shape and alter the lives of ordinary citizens.

Inequality and Punishment: The Idiosyncrasies of the Political Economy of Punishment

Prisons across the globe are manifestations of inequality. In any society, its most marginalised groups are overrepresented in prisons and all institutions of criminal justice. Notwithstanding this universal condition of contemporary criminal justice, the link between social inequality and inequality of punishment has been found to be tenuous and elusive. This contribution addresses the question how socio-economic inequality shapes the manifestations of punishment for a global sample of countries. As socio-economic inequality and criminal punishment are both multi-faceted concepts, several indicators are used for each. The findings confirm the highly contextual nature of the link between inequality and criminal punishment; they suggest a variegated impact of political economies, and a multiplicity of mechanisms that link inequality and criminal punishment across the globe.

Afterword: Unequal Punishment

This Afterword reflects on the scope, ambitions and achievements of this substantial volume of collected essays. It reflects on the interdisciplinary, cross-jurisdictional and temporal range of the contributing chapters. It seeks to situate them in the longer history of studies of the political economy of crime and punishment, and applauds their collective revitalisation of the field. It explores the ways in which the impressive, international group of contributors explore the complex interactions between inequality, crime and punishment. In particular, it addresses the conceptual and methodological choices made in determining how to measure comparative poverty and prosperity and how to gauge relative punitiveness. The Afterword concludes by exploring promising further areas of enquiry suggested by this remarkable collection.

The Violence of Inequality: Race and Lobbying in the Politics of Crime and Criminal Justice in the United States

There is no shortage of scholarly and other research on the reciprocal relationship that inequality bears to crime, victimisation and contact with the criminal justice system, both in the specific United States context and beyond. Often, however, inequality has been studied in conjunction with only one of the three phenomena at issue, despite the intersections that arguably obtain between them–and, indeed, between their respective connections with inequality itself. There are, moreover, forms of inequality that have received far less attention in pertinent research than their prevalence and broader significance would appear to merit. The purpose of this chapter is dual: first, to identify ways in which inequality’s linkages to crime, victimisation and criminal justice may relate to one another; and second, to highlight the need for a greater focus than has been placed heretofore on the role of institutionalised inequality of access to the political process, particularly as this works to bias criminal justice policy-making towards the preferences of financially motivated state lobbying groups at the expense of disadvantaged racial minorities. In so doing, the chapter singles out for analysis the US case and, more specifically, engages with key extant explanations of the staggering rise in the use of imprisonment in the country since the 1970s.

The Political Economy of Punishment and the Penal State in Latin America

In both criminology and the sociology of punishment there has been a rebirth of the political economy of crime and punishment, where the relationship between these phenomena and levels of inequality within a given society is a key aspect, to assess the transformation and features of the crime control fields of contemporary societies and to relate them to different typologies. This chapter will discuss and problematize this perspective through the analysis of Latin American crime control fields. Considering the flaws of general typologies, usually coming from the global north, the chapter will stress the need for a more detailed comparative analysis of the penal state and the institutional structures, dynamics and dispositions present in every jurisdiction, in both the global north and south, that have a direct impact on penal policy and its outcomes.

Punishing Inequality: Notes on Social Worth from Sweden

This chapter revisits key concepts of equality, inequality and punishment in the Nordic context. By reexamining who and what the welfare state is for, and who and what punishment is for, it questions the presumed universality of equality in the Nordic context. Instead, it will argue that equality is conditional. It is conditional upon a hierarchy of social worth, with negative implications for punishment. This chapter draws our attention to a new form penal power –penal nationalism– in which penal power is used to uphold national interests, in this case, welfare state preservation and equality for insiders, at the expense of inequality for outsiders.

Prison, Subordination, Inequality: Again on a Marxist Perspective

This Chapter advances two claims which are related and sustain each other. The first is that in the contemporary “post-Fordist” world, the coupling of imprisonment and production persists in a relationship, if not between “the prison” and “the factory” – as Dario Melossi and Massimo Pavarini wrote 40 years ago – rather between “the prison” and “subordination”, because what all the multiple forms of “labor” and “non-labor” have in common – and have in common with the origins of protoindustrial capitalism – is subordination. The second is that the traditional reading of the “Rusche and Kirchheimer hypothesis” on the relationship between economic cycles and imprisonment depends on the specific conjuncture and class composition of the capitalist social formation to which it is applied. One thing is economic development in the period of Fordist mass industry and another in the globalized and fragmented labor market of neo-liberalism. Often imprisonment promotes phases of capitalist development rather than crises and recessions. Furthermore, subordination and inequality are strictly linked and feed on each other. Inequality promotes subordination, by putting the squeeze on those who are at the bottom of the social hierarchy; but subordination at the same time promotes inequality, by making sure that those who occupy those bottom positions, stay there. One strong link in the chain of subordination to inequality is penality, because penality reinforces inequality by reaffirming subordination. Data about long-run empirical relationships between imprisonment rates and inequality measures for the US and Italy are discussed.

Social Environments of Pervasive Incarceration: Lessons from Australia’s Top End

U.S. mass incarceration is characterized by pervasive imprisonment among black men with little schooling that is often viewed as the product of punitive criminal justice policy. This chapter argues that pervasive incarceration also arises under a specific set of social conditions that make police contact and detention overwhelmingly likely. This work explores the social conditions of pervasive incarceration in a significantly less punitive policy context, in Australia’s Northern Territory where social inequality is acute and incarceration is woven into everyday life. Interviews and field observation in this region show that pervasive indigenous incarceration emerges in a historical context of racial inequality marked by extreme material hardship, violent family conflict and alcohol abuse. Where violence is coupled to poverty, penal institutions respond expansively to myriad social problems — including serious violence.

American Exceptionalism or Exceptionalism of the Americas? The Politics of Lethal Violence, Punishment, and Inequality

‘American exceptionalism in imprisonment’ has become a useful heuristic for analyzing the extremely high rates of imprisonment in the United States that emerged in the late 20th century. This perspective, however, has largely marginalized violent crime as an important and distinguishing feature of the United States in contrast to most of the (largely western) countries to which it is usually compared. But violent crime in the United States – particularly murder – is extraordinarily high, making violence almost as exceptional as imprisonment. In fact, American exceptionalism may be better understood as exceptionalism of the Americas. By linking crime, punishment, and inequality, the relevant comparisons for the United States look less like Europe and more like Latin America. This chapter develops a conceptual framework for understanding state-building in the Americas, which the author refers to as racialized state-building. This framework proposes that the roots of high violence in the Americas (from both fellow citizens and from the state) lie in the fragmented state capacity and accountability that characterize the vast majority of countries in the Americas, including the United States. These state features are a function of extractive, settler, and slave colonialism which created incentives – to varying degrees – for elites to avoid institutional configurations that would result in power-sharing across populations. The resultant states are institutionally disjointed and excessively complex with high levels of mistrust and inequality, conditions which are ripe for violence in many forms.

Deplorable or Disposable? The Carceral State and ‘Breaking Bad’ in Rural America

This chapter examines the limitations of viewing the US carceral state primarily through a racial disparities lens centred on differences in incarceration rates between whites and blacks. It surveys important shifts since the 1970s in who is being incarcerated in the United States, including racial, ethnic, gender, and geographic shifts, most notably between urban and rural areas. It deploys three common frameworks used to help explain the rise of mass incarceration and the hyper-incarceration of African Americans—the culture of control, the culture of poverty, and the war on drugs—to analyse the deepening penetration of the carceral state outside of major urban areas and to examine the opioid crisis.