Political radio and television advertisements in a young democracy: the 2009 South African national election campaign

2013 ◽  
Vol 13 (3) ◽  
pp. 298-307 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lynnette Fourie
2009 ◽  
Vol 51 (3) ◽  
pp. 285-296 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rae Cooper

The Rudd government was elected in late 2007 after a national election campaign centred squarely on industrial relations. In 2008, with a massive mandate, the government presented key pieces of legislation to the Australian parliament, aimed at moving away from the Howard government's Work Choices and toward implementing the `Forward with Fairness' election policy. The government's substantive industrial relations legislation — the Fair Work Bill — was introduced late in 2008 to widespread, though not universal, approval from trade unionists and, at first, muted acceptance and, later, and in the face of deteriorating economic circumstances, sharper criticism from employer groups.


Author(s):  
David Bruce

The 2009 South African national election has come and gone and was generally regarded as having been a great success. Voter turnout was high and the event took place, virtually without exception, in an orderly and calm manner. Despite this, there were numerous incidents of election-related violence in the build-up to the elections, and a few in the immediate aftermath. The 2009 election therefore cannot be described as having been violence free. That being the case, how should we understand election-related violence in South Africa? Is political violence during election periods here to stay, and is it something that we need to concern ourselves about in relation to future elections?


2016 ◽  
Vol 46 (1) ◽  
pp. 32-51 ◽  
Author(s):  
Patrick Bond

The South African government’s mandate was to transform state social policy and correct historic class, racial, gendered and other injustices. The main design patterns of economic and social policy during the 1990s-2000s, however, can be characterised respectively as ‘neoliberal’ (insofar as they favour the market) and ‘tokenistic’ (insofar as that part of the society that is not served by the market is provided only a small fraction of what is required to live a decent life). The state has sufficient resources and could tax or prevent profit outflows that would allow surpluses to be redistributed. But as part of a more general tendency to ‘talk left, walk right,’ the ruling party has declined to engage in substantive redistribution, risking the ire of its constituencies. The rise of left opposition forces coincides with a new top-down commitment to austerity, one that already began to fray by mid-2016. Only when those forces become more coherent, potentially by the time of the 2019 national election, will a full accounting of the damage of tokenistic social policy be possible, as part of a systemic effort to reverse course. 


2021 ◽  
Vol 9 (3) ◽  
pp. 507-533
Author(s):  
Wojciech Maguś

Twitter as an Image Management Tool Twitter is becoming an increasingly popular tool used for political communication, especially in election campaigns. It is also an important element of image creation. Due to its functionalities, it allows for quick, low-cost reaching of recipients. As part of the article, over 130,000 entries from the period of the 2019 European Parliament election campaign in Poland were subject to quantitative analysis. The activity of 397 people running from six national election committees was analyzed. Every second candidate applying for a mandate as an MEP used this service. The article is an attempt to answer whether and to what extent popularity on Twitter translated into the electoral result.


2020 ◽  
pp. 249-262
Author(s):  
Lech M. Nijakowski

This article analyses the manner in which the German minority in the Opole region, whose members belong to the Social-Cultural Society of Germans in Opole Silesia, participates in Poland’s political life, using the example of the 2019 national election campaign. The campaign has shown that the German minority in the Opole region, in fact, forms an ethnic political party. The old dichotomy between symbolic politics (the reproduction of identity) and the pursuit of common interests is no longer valid. The German minority strives to achieve both these objectives. German minority organisations may be viewed as sectional interest groups.


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