scholarly journals Dictating the local balance of power: Election-related violence in South Africa

Author(s):  
David Bruce

The 2009 South African national election has come and gone and was generally regarded as having been a great success. Voter turnout was high and the event took place, virtually without exception, in an orderly and calm manner. Despite this, there were numerous incidents of election-related violence in the build-up to the elections, and a few in the immediate aftermath. The 2009 election therefore cannot be described as having been violence free. That being the case, how should we understand election-related violence in South Africa? Is political violence during election periods here to stay, and is it something that we need to concern ourselves about in relation to future elections?

1994 ◽  
Vol 22 (2) ◽  
pp. 27-29
Author(s):  
Saths Cooper

A meaningful understanding of the causes of political violence in South Africa and youth’s role in its dénouement must consider some of the historical background to the national struggle for human rights and youth’s specific involvement thereof. The phenomenon of adolescent marchers and activists who characterized the resistance to Apartheid over the last decade has had sequelae and antecedents that reflect the core of the South African dilemma.


Author(s):  
Kylie Thomas

The beginning of apartheid in 1948 saw the emergence of a generation of photographers whose work would come to define South African photography for the next four decades. Many of the most well-known South African photographers, such as Ernest Cole, Bob Gosani Peter Magubane, and Jürgen Schadeberg, worked for Drum magazine in the 1950s, where their images conveyed the experiences of Black people living in cities in the first years of apartheid. Photographers chronicled the Defiance Campaign, the violence of the police, and the growing resistance movements. At the same time, they took portraits and images of everyday life that provide insight into what it was like to live under apartheid. These kinds of images have increasingly been of interest to researchers and curators who have come to recognize the importance of vernacular photography, street photography, and the work of studio portrait photographers. The Sharpeville Massacre of 1960 marked a turning point in the country’s history and was followed by intensified repression and violence, the banning of opposition political parties, the jailing of political leaders such as Nelson Mandela and Robert Sobukwe, and mass forced removals as neighborhoods were declared “whites only” areas. The Soweto uprisings in June 1976 and the protests that followed across South Africa signaled the beginning of a time of increased violence as the apartheid state sought to crush the resistance movements and thousands of protestors were detained without trial, interrogated, and tortured and several political activists were murdered by the security police. By the 1980s, photography had a clear place in the struggle for freedom in the country and many photographers perceived the camera as a weapon to be used against the state. In 1982, the Afrapix collective was formed by a group of photographers committed to opposing apartheid who went on to produce the most significant visual record of this time. The years immediately before the end of apartheid saw an increase in political violence and between 1990 and 1994 more than 10, 000 people were killed. Photographers who documented this time drew the world’s attention to the bitter struggle in the country. They went on to photograph the jubilation when Mandela was finally released from prison and the first free and fair elections when South Africans of all races were able to vote. Some of the most brilliant photographers of the last century documented the apartheid years, and their work plays a key role in how this time period is remembered and understood.


1993 ◽  
Vol 23 (2) ◽  
pp. 71-80 ◽  
Author(s):  
M.P. Botha ◽  
D.P. van Vuuren

Violence became an upsetting factor within the socio-political realities of South Africa and the struggle for and against apartheid: thousands of people have lost their lives in political violence since the 1980s. Due to severe media restrictions under the emergency regulations in the 1980s, the exact nature of township violence and police actions were seldom shown on local television or reported in the press. Since 2 February 1990 with the repeal of the media regulations, images of mass action, township violence and clashes between the police and demonstrators became an everyday reality on South African television screens. In this transitional society, a new world with a definite culture of violence, issues such as the reactions of black and white adolescents, to scenes of violence and interracial conflict in local television broadcasts were investigated in a research project amongst adolescents from 52 areas in Johannesburg and Pretoria. The correspondence between initial levels of aggression and perceptions regarding fictional and non-fictional programme contents (being measured by means of questionnaires), as well as the differences between the perceptions of the whites and blacks regarding the programme contents, were investigated. It seems that regarding the non-fictional portrayal of violence in the South African media, white adolescents are more desensitized than black adolescents who live within these conditions every day. Black adolescents may enjoy fictional programmes with physical violence more than white adolescents, but they experience more anxiety during exposure to non-fictional portrayals of events similar to the realities in the townships. They therefore tend to rate the level of violence depicted in news broadcasts higher than white adolescents. The implications of these findings are discussed.


Africa ◽  
2011 ◽  
Vol 81 (3) ◽  
pp. 351-372 ◽  
Author(s):  
Shireen Ally

ABSTRACTDespite its manifest, if largely undocumented, histories of menacing violence and perilous politics, the thrust of popular memory in the former apartheid bantustan of KaNgwane insists that it was a peaceful, even apolitical, place. In a contemporary South African memorial culture that idealizes memories of victimization by (and resistance to) apartheid and its political violence, why would some in KaNgwane persistently narrate the past through tropes of peaceful order and disavowals of the political? Are these mnemonic effacements in KaNgwane best conceived of as forms of forgetting? This article challenges such a proposition. First, it recovers the hitherto unrecognized politics and violence in KaNgwane, in part (and paradoxically) out of the very same narratives that deny such histories. Second, it explores the dialectical co-implication of remembering and forgetting, and of memory and history, in KaNgwane's supposed anamnesis. And third, it proposes that the occlusions and assurances of memory in KaNgwane are structured by a localized semiotics in which politics is retrospectively signified by order and restraint, and negated by disorder and revolt. In this ‘memory work’, KaNgwane's past is anaesthetized of violence, and heroism is recovered not from rehearsals of victimization and resistance, but from memories of pacified civility instead.


2015 ◽  
pp. 19-30
Author(s):  
Tina Harpin

Twenty years after the end of Apartheid, violence is still a serious problem in South Africa, despite the prosperity and democratic stability of the state. Sexual violence, in particular, has become a major concern. During the decades of transition, secrets of sexual crimes were disclosed more than ever, and it was made patent that they were intertwined with political violence. Incest thus became a new important fictional theme in South African literature. Actually, the issue was already a tacit burning question for politicians and scientists at the end of the 20th century. Given the racist and eugenist background of the country, incest has long been written in the gothic mode to express White communities’ anxieties, until Doris Lessing, Reza de Wet and Marlene van Niekerk came along. They integrated irony into the gothic and rethought the question of taboo in such a way that it was made available for critical thinking beyond local or racial boundaries. Since the end of the 90s, writing fictions involving incest contributes more than ever to reflect on the possibility or the impossibility of strengthening an extended national community against violence, which I demonstrate through my reading of the novels by Achmat Dangor and of a recent play by Paul Grootboom and Presley Chweneyagae.


Author(s):  
Josephine Cornell ◽  
Nick Malherbe ◽  
Mohamed Seedat ◽  
Shahnaaz Suffla

Abstract Politically violent women are regularly muted or made exceptional. Yet, underplaying women’s involvement in political violence obscures the systemic nature of such violence. We employ a discursive psychology analysis of an in-depth interview with a South African woman who has been involved in decades of political activism, and identified two discourses: Gendering Politically Violent Symbols and Enactments, where political violence was wielded as a symbol, and Gendering Political Organizing, wherein feminist agencies were directed against political structures. Together, these discourses indicate how gender identity is simultaneously consistent and at odds with political identity and how gender intersects with political violence.


1979 ◽  
Vol 20 (4) ◽  
pp. 543-557 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert L. McCormack

Oswald Pirow was an active and influential cabinet minister in the Hertzog administration in South Africa for more than a decade. Perhaps more than anyone else in office, Pirow shaped the new aggressive Union policies in external matters which stressed a ‘South Africa First’ ideology. Given a free hand by Hertzog, and as minister responsible for defence and transport, Pirow aimed to weaken the British connexion, enhance South Africa's image, and expand Union influence throughout ‘white’ Africa to the north. The agent charged to carry out these new policies was South African Airways, organized by Pirow in 1934 as Africa 's first national airline. As the Union 's ‘chosen instrument’, SAA was used by Pirow to challenge British paramountcy in the Rhodesias and East Africa, in direct conflict with Britain 's own struggling Imperial Airways. The rivalry was for routes and services, mail and passengers, and ultimately for prestige. By 1939, Pirow 's airline was established in operation from Kenya southward, and winning the struggle with its fleet of modern Junkers aircraft. Pirow was the promoter, the organizer and the hard bargainer with whom the British had to deal time and time again. For technical and financial reasons, Imperial Airways could seldom match Pirow 's ambitions, and on the eve of World War II, Pirow could claim great success for his air-minded policy. Only the coming of the war was to remove Pirow and his policy from the scene.


1998 ◽  
Vol 28 (2) ◽  
pp. 107-115 ◽  
Author(s):  
S.L. Rudenberg ◽  
P. Jansen ◽  
P. Fridjhon

Many children in South Africa are subjected to continually high levels of stress and political violence. Children who are exposed to violent stressors may be at increased risk for the development of stress-related effects and emotional difficulties. Current research on the effects of political violence on children thus far has yielded inconclusive results. Some researchers find severe effects, while others interpret their findings to indicate that the majority of children are resilient. In this study, the Draw-A-Person test and drawings of the street or area where the children lived were used to examine possible levels of stress and emotional difficulties, as well as coping styles and defence mechanisms, in a sample of one hundred and fifteen eight- to twelve-year-old children from Gauteng, South Africa during the 1993 pre-election period. Christiansen's checklist of behaviour difficulties was also administered to the teachers of the children, in order to gain information on the children's overt behaviour. Comparison of the Draw-A-Person Tests showed that violence appeared to be a pertinent stressor. Black South African children from particularly high violence areas showed more distress on their drawings than white suburban children, with the girl's distress levels appearing higher than the boys'. However, on drawings obtained from children distributed in areas across Gauteng, boys appeared more vulnerable than girls. Use of different coping styles and defence mechanisms appeared to influence the effect of stress on the children. Social support and denial appeared to assist coping, while feelings of helplessness and internalisation of anger appeared detrimental.


2020 ◽  
Vol 17 (3) ◽  
pp. 433-444
Author(s):  
Amanuel Isak Tewolde

Many scholars and South African politicians characterize the widespread anti-foreigner sentiment and violence in South Africa as dislike against migrants and refugees of African origin which they named ‘Afro-phobia’. Drawing on online newspaper reports and academic sources, this paper rejects the Afro-phobia thesis and argues that other non-African migrants such as Asians (Pakistanis, Indians, Bangladeshis and Chinese) are also on the receiving end of xenophobia in post-apartheid South Africa. I contend that any ‘outsider’ (White, Asian or Black African) who lives and trades in South African townships and informal settlements is scapegoated and attacked. I term this phenomenon ‘colour-blind xenophobia’. By proposing this analytical framework and integrating two theoretical perspectives — proximity-based ‘Realistic Conflict Theory (RCT)’ and Neocosmos’ exclusivist citizenship model — I contend that xenophobia in South Africa targets those who are in close proximity to disadvantaged Black South Africans and who are deemed outsiders (e.g., Asian, African even White residents and traders) and reject arguments that describe xenophobia in South Africa as targeting Black African refugees and migrants.


2016 ◽  
Vol 13 (3) ◽  
pp. 359-376 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tiffany L Green ◽  
Amos C Peters

Much of the existing evidence for the healthy immigrant advantage comes from developed countries. We investigate whether an immigrant health advantage exists in South Africa, an important emerging economy.  Using the 2001 South African Census, this study examines differences in child mortality between native-born South African and immigrant blacks.  We find that accounting for region of origin is critical: immigrants from southern Africa are more likely to experience higher lifetime child mortality compared to the native-born population.  Further, immigrants from outside of southern Africa are less likely than both groups to experience child deaths.  Finally, in contrast to patterns observed in developed countries, we detect a strong relationship between schooling and child mortality among black immigrants.


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