Industry and Empire: The Beginnings of French Industrial Politics in the Colonies under the Vichy Regime

Author(s):  
Catherine Coquery-Vidrovitch
Keyword(s):  
2005 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 117-136 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sean Kennedy

Abstract This paper argues that André Siegfried’s writings on Canada played a critical role in shaping his vision of French national identity. Siegfried’s studies of Canada have long been praised for their insight, but recent scholarship has emphasized his role in promoting both anti-Americanism and an exclusionary vision of what it meant to be French during the first half of the twentieth century. For Siegfried, Canada represented a site of managed contestation between British and French culture but also an early example of the deleterious effects of Americanization. His problematic view of French Canada as essentially conservative and unchanging in the face of such challenges reinforced his conviction that France itself should remain true to “traditional” values. The exclusionary implications of his ideas were most evident when Siegfried appeared to accommodate himself to the Vichy regime, but they also persisted after the Second World War.


2019 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 220-246
Author(s):  
Tadd Graham Fernée

This article comparatively examines French and English literature based on two novels published in 1947, Malcolm Lowry’s Under the Volcano and Jean-Louis Curtis’ The Forests of Night. Both novels employ the mythic device to construct narratives on the twilight of the British Empire and the German occupied French Vichy regime, respectively, depicting experiences of resistance and collaboration on the eve of and during the Second World War. Both invent a system of symbolic imagery modelled on the Surrealist template in Jean Cocteau’s The Infernal Machine, that turns the classical mythic device still prevalent in the early 20th century (i.e. in Joyce or Eliot) upside down. The revolution in Mythic Imagination follows the Structuralist Revolution initiated by Durkheim, Saussure and Bachelard, evacuating fixed ontological architecture to portray relational interdependency without essence. These novels pursue overlapping ethical investigations, on “non-interventionism” in Lowry and “fraternity” in Curtis. The novels raise questions about the relation between colonialism and fascism and the impact of non-Western mythic universes (i.e. Hinduism) upon the Mythic Imagination. They have implications for our understanding of gender relations, as well as the value of political activism and progress.


Author(s):  
Aleksei Dmitrievich Medvedev

The goal of this research consists in determination of the place and role of French cinematography of 1960s – 1970s in the political history of postwar France. The object of this research is the process of transformation of political discourse in the context of transfer of power from Charles de Gaulle to Georges Pompidou. The subject of is reflection of the history of collaborationism in the films “Sadness and Pity” (1969) and “Lacombe Lucien” (1973). The author examines such aspect of the topic as reflection of the political and cultural elites on the Vichy regime. Special attention is given to the political consequences of the screening of films about collusion of the Nazi to French citizens. The scientific lies in the analytical overview of the popular films of French national cinematography of 1960s – 1970s, which interpret the phenomenon of “collaborationism” and “opposition" of the period of German occupation. As a result, it is proven that these films distorted the silence on collusion of a number of citizens to the occupier that prevailed in the French political and public discourse. The author notes that resign of Charles de Gaulle as the head of the French Republic led to the emergence of the products of popular culture that revise the previous interpretations of the military past and have a capacity to change the political situation in the country.


2016 ◽  
pp. 144-161
Author(s):  
Gisèle Sapiro

‘Forces of Solidarity and Logics of Exclusion: The Role of Literary Institutions in Times of Crisis’, written by Gisèle Sapiro, assesses the marginalization of writers from literary institutions under the Vichy regime due to their Jewish origins or political opinions. In her essay, Sapiro gestures more broadly to an understanding of mechanisms of exclusion in times of crisis, thus asserting that a study of the Vichy period has much to teach us in terms of identity construction today, and that attention to ‘the history of representations and of institutions is the only way to explore our collective unconscious.’


Author(s):  
Derek W. Vaillant

During the German occupation of France (1940-44), in addition to the broadcasts of the British Broadcasting Corporation (BBC), shortwave broadcasters in the United States, such as NBC, and later, the U.S. government’s Voice of America (VOA) and Office of War Information (OWI) supplied broadcast news, entertainment, and moral support to French listeners living under the Vichy regime. This chapter explores U.S. and Allied international broadcasting to France between 1937, when daily transatlantic French-language programs began in earnest from America, through D-Day, to the liberation of Paris coordinated in part via radio broadcasting. The chapter analyzes the programs and strategies of broadcasters, Nazi and Vichy propagandists, and clandestine listeners during the Occupation.


2019 ◽  
Vol 37 (2) ◽  
pp. 87-109 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hugh McDonnell

This article examines the 1994–1995 controversy surrounding President François Mitterrand’s past involvement with Vichy France through the concept of “the gray zone.” Differing from Primo Levi’s gray zone, it refers here to the language that emerged in France to account for the previously neglected complicity of bystanders and beneficiaries and the indirect facilitation of the injustices of the Vichy regime. The affair serves as a site for exploring the nuances and inflections of this concept of the gray zone—both in the way it was used to indict those accused of complicity with Vichy, and as a means for those, like Mitterrand, who defended themselves by using the language of grayness. Paying attention to these invocations of the gray zone at this historical conjuncture allows us to understand the logic and stakes of both the criticisms of Mitterrand and his responses to them, particularly in terms of contemporaneous understandings of republicanism and human rights.


2019 ◽  
Vol 37 (2) ◽  
pp. 1-26 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sébastien Durand

Amid severe shortages of raw materials, labor, and transportation, companies in occupied France (1940–1944) sought alternative paths to what is commonly called “economic collaboration.” They worked to find substitute supplies, convert to new product lines, alter their manufacturing methods, and even adapt to the black market. But few businesses could avoid the question of whether to provide goods and services to the occupier. The opportunities to do so were widespread, though they varied according to occupation, economic branch, and the passage of time during the Occupation. The German occupiers thus benefited from the French economy. With decisive help from the Vichy regime, the occupiers managed to force, induce, or entice French enterprises into their war economy—be they large industries formerly mobilized for French national defense, small and medium-sized firms, or agricultural producers.


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