Institutional Choice and Institutional Transformation: Perspectives from the Colonial Experience

Author(s):  
Jonathan Hughes

2003 ◽  
pp. 65-77 ◽  
Author(s):  
P. Kryuchkova

The existing trend to increase the administrative barriers in Russia is analyzed in the article. The factors of stable reproduction of the administrative barriers and the possibilities of their destruction are examined. The general institutional approach to overcoming administrative barriers is formulated. The recommendations for the debureaucratization policy are elaborated on the basis of the analysis of formal procedures and regulation forms and instruments in Australia.



2011 ◽  
pp. 99-118
Author(s):  
Yu. Olsevich

The article analyzes the psychological basis of the theory and economic policy of libertarianism, as contained in the book by A. Greenspan "The Age of Turbulence", clarifies the strengths and weaknesses of this doctrine that led to its discredit in 2008. It presents a new understanding of liberalization in 1980-1990s as a process of institutional transformation at the micro and meso levels, implemented by politicians and entrepreneurs with predatory and opportunistic mentality. That process caused, on the one hand, the acceleration of growth, on the other hand - the erosion of informal foundations of a market system. With psychology and ideology of libertarianism, it is impossible to perceive real macro risks generated at the micro level, which lead to a systemic crisis, and to develop measures to prevent it.



2017 ◽  
pp. 34-47
Author(s):  
Hoi Le Quoc ◽  
Nam Pham Xuan ◽  
Tuan Nguyen Anh

The study was targeted at developing a methodology for constructing a macroeconomic performance index at a provincial level for the first time in Vietnam based on 4 groups of measurements: (i) Economic indicators; (ii) oriented economic indicators; (iii) socio-economic indicators; and (iv) economic - social – institutional indicators. Applying the methodology to the 2011 - 2015 empirical data of all provinces in Vietnam, the research shows that the socio-economic development strategy implemented by those provinces did not provide balanced outcomes between growth and social objectives, sustainability and inclusiveness. Many provinces focused on economic growth at the cost of structural change, equality and institutional transformation. In contrast, many provinces were successful in improving equality but not growth. Those facts threaten the long-term development objectives of the provinces.



Author(s):  
Jack Knight ◽  
James Johnson

Pragmatism and its consequences are central issues in American politics today, yet scholars rarely examine in detail the relationship between pragmatism and politics. This book systematically explores the subject and makes a strong case for adopting a pragmatist approach to democratic politics—and for giving priority to democracy in the process of selecting and reforming political institutions. What is the primary value of democracy? When should we make decisions democratically and when should we rely on markets? And when should we accept the decisions of unelected officials, such as judges or bureaucrats? This book explores how a commitment to pragmatism should affect our answers to such important questions. It concludes that democracy is a good way of determining how these kinds of decisions should be made—even if what the democratic process determines is that not all decisions should be made democratically. So, for example, the democratically elected U.S. Congress may legitimately remove monetary policy from democratic decision-making by putting it under the control of the Federal Reserve. This book argues that pragmatism offers an original and compelling justification of democracy in terms of the unique contributions democratic institutions can make to processes of institutional choice. This focus highlights the important role that democracy plays, not in achieving consensus or commonality, but rather in addressing conflicts. Indeed, the book suggest that democratic politics is perhaps best seen less as a way of reaching consensus or agreement than as a way of structuring the terms of persistent disagreement.



2009 ◽  
Vol 26 (3) ◽  
pp. 110-127
Author(s):  
Abdoulaye Sounaye

Unexpectedly, one of the marking features of democratization in Niger has been the rise of a variety of Islamic discourses. They focus on the separation between religion and the state and, more precisely, the way it is manifested through the French model of laïcité, which democratization has adopted in Niger. For many Muslim actors, laïcité amounts to a marginalization of Islamic values and a negation of Islam. This article present three voices: the Collaborators, the Moderates, and the Despisers. Each represents a trend that seeks to influence the state’s political and ideological makeup. Although the ulama in general remain critical vis-à-vis the state’s political and institutional transformation, not all of them reject the principle of the separation between religion and state. The Collaborators suggest cooperation between the religious authority and the political one, the Moderates insist on the necessity for governance to accommodate the people’s will and visions, and the Despisers reject the underpinning liberalism that voids religious authority and demand a total re-Islamization. I argue that what is at stake here is less the separation between state and religion than the modality of this separation and its impact on religious authority. The targets, tones, and justifications of the discourses I explore are evidence of the limitations of a democratization project grounded in laïcité. Thus in place of a secular democratization, they propose a conservative democracy based on Islam and its demands for the realization of the common good.



Author(s):  
Juan Carlos Moreno-Brid ◽  
Esteban Pérez Caldentey ◽  
Laura Valdez

NAFINSA was essential to Mexico’s development process. It served as the financial agent of the Federal Government and provided preferential access to long-term finance favouring selected business interests and groups. With the Washington Consensus, its tasks were reduced to correcting for market failures, becoming a complement to commercial banks, and focusing on attending the market segments falling outside the scope of commercial bank activity (notably SMEs). Although it appears as a successful story of institutional transformation, on closer inspection, NAFINSA has not been able to overcome key obstacles and its success in alleviating credit restrictions is very limited. NAFINSA must recover some of its functions, prerogatives, and responsibilities as a policy bank to become relevant in strengthening financial intermediation for capital formation.



Author(s):  
Oli Wilson

This chapter explores how the New Zealand popular music artist Tiki Taane subverts dominant representational practices concerning New Zealand cultural identity by juxtaposing musical ensembles, one a ‘colonial’ orchestra, the other a distinctively Māori (indigenous New Zealand) kapa haka performance group, in his With Strings Attached: Alive & Orchestrated album and television documentary, released in 2014. Through this collaboration, Tiki reframes the colonial experience as an amalgam of reappropriated cultural signifiers that enraptures those that identify with colonization and colonizing experiences, and in doing so, expresses a form of authorial agency. The context of Tiki’s subversive approach is contextualized by examining postcolonial representational practices surrounding Māori culture and orchestral hybrids in the western art music tradition, and through a discussion about the ways the performance practice called kapa haka is represented through existing scholarly studies of Māori music.



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