From Army Outpost to Military Training Installations for Worldwide Operations: How WWII Transformed the Military Presence in the Southwestern United States

Author(s):  
Donald E. Sabol ◽  
Eric V. McDonald
2022 ◽  
Vol 91 (1) ◽  
pp. 33-65
Author(s):  
Symbol Lai

In 1951, six years after the United States defeated Japan and commenced the Occupation of Okinawa, the U.S. Civil Administration of the Ryukyus (USCAR) issued an ordinance in support of agricultural cooperatives. Despite the appearance of altruism, the move marked the emergence of the U.S. anticolonial empire, a form that advocated racial and ethnic self-determination even as it expanded the U.S. military presence. This article shows how U.S. policymakers in Okinawa borrowed from modernization theory to implement models to foster ethnic identification through economic development. Their plans sought to render the United States an ally to Okinawa freedom despite the devastating effects militarism had on the local landscape. Specifically, military plans posited frameworks like the Okinawan economy, which strategically turned the military into a partner without whom Okinawa could not modernize. The article further focuses on agriculture, an arena where the contradictions of the U.S. Occupation was most acute. It argues that rehabilitating the local cooperative network drew Okinawans into the military project, not only to paper over the U.S. colonial presence, but also to further the reach of military discipline.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stanislav Mikhailovich Ivanov

The article analyzes the military operation of the United States and its NATO allies in Afghanistan, which lasted for 20 years, and the prospects for the withdrawal of all foreign troops from this country. The author states that the new US President D. Biden does not abandon the foreign policy course pursued by his predecessors earlier to reduce the US military presence in Afghanistan. Moreover, the new president reaffirmed his commitment to the peace agreement between the United States and the opposition Taliban, reached in the Qatari capital of Doha in February 2020, which provides for the withdrawal of US troops and their NATO allies from the country. However, the author comes to the conclusion that due to a number of objective and subjective factors, the timing of the final withdrawal of US troops from Afghanistan may be postponed indefinitely, and even the deadline recently declared by the White House on September 11, 2021, may be far from final and may be repeatedly subjected to revisions. The main obstacle to the implementation of this important clause of the bilateral agreement is the lack of progress in negotiations between the Taliban representatives and the central government, as well as the lack of security guarantees for the withdrawn contingent of the US Armed Forces, NATO and the remaining staff of Western foreign missions in Afghanistan. Not only the radical Taliban wing, but also a number of current ministers in Kabul are trying to sabotage the conclusion of a second peace agreement and the subsequent integration of the Taliban into power. Without a lasting agreement between the Taliban and the central authorities in Kabul and the formation of a new coalition government, the likelihood of a resumption of civil war in the country will remain. New terrorist attacks and outbursts of violence on the part of the radical wing of the Taliban movement against the central government and foreign troops are not excluded. The penetration of Islamic State gangs into Afghanistan, which can undermine the stability of the military-political situation from within and provoke new armed conflicts, also carries certain risks. Much will also depend on the position of one of the main external players in Afghan affairs — Islamabad. Time will show whether Pakistan will be ready to take on part of the functions of a peaceful settlement within the Afghan conflict. The US administration would like more participation in stabilizing the further situation in Afghanistan from other regional forces (China, Russia, India, Iran, Turkey, Uzbekistan).


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alexander A. Bartosh ◽  
Anatoly G. Letyago

The article discusses various aspects of the activities of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) in the preparation of a new strategic concept (SC-2021). Advocating a decisive expansion of the range of NATO's capabilities to respond promptly to modern challenges, politicians and the military refer to the presence of new key threats that were not discussed in the previous strategic concepts of the bloc. The complex of such challenges and threats carries one of the fundamental functions in the development of the document. However, the leading place is given to the scrupulous consideration of doctrinal documents being developed in the United States: the national security strategy, military doctrine, nuclear policy review, the stake dictated from overseas on the military deterrence of Russia and some others. The internal and institutional factors of the bloc's development, the diplomatic and military aspects of the alliance's policy play an important role. NATO's focus on the role of a global player in tandem with the United States determines the development of the military technosphere of the bloc, which focuses on cognitive warfare and artificial intelligence. The preservation of the function of NATO as the main tool of the United States in the confrontation with Russia determines the buildup of the military presence of the bloc at the borders of our country, the conduct of military exercises according to provocative scenarios, the military development of Ukraine. An analysis of NATO's transformation, including a change in military strategy and a bet on the development of new technologies, each of which has a threatening subversive and destabilizing potential, makes it necessary to develop a comprehensive counteraction program in Russia. Particular attention should be paid to the development of strategies to counter cognitive warfare, the work on which, along with artificial intelligence, is the focus of the alliance's innovative efforts. NATO has been and remains one of the important actors in the global struggle and relies on the combined use of force and non-force methods and means of influencing the enemy, the use of innovative technologies, which requires Russia, its allies and partners to respond immediately and carefully coordinated across the entire spectrum of threats and challenges.


2021 ◽  
Vol 9 ◽  
Author(s):  
Yicheng Wang ◽  
Hayri Önal ◽  
Sahan T. M. Dissanayake

Military installations are valuable in global biodiversity conservation as they secure representative ecosystems from land conversion and protect many threatened or endangered species. Selecting suitable areas for biodiversity conservation within military installations is a challenging problem as this must not impede military training activities. The issue gets more complicated when considering multiple cohabiting species in a metacommunity with species dependency. In this paper, we present an example for the conservation of two cohabiting species, Gopher Tortoise (GT) and Gopher Frog (GF), located within the boundaries of a military installation, Fort Stewart, Georgia, United States. The GF depends on both locations of GT habitat (burrows) and ephemeral vernal ponds (for breeding). We develop a model that identifies the cost-efficient areas for the conservation of these two species while taking into account the dependency of GF on GT burrows. The model selects a specified number of conservation areas for the two species, where each GF conservation area covers an adequate number of vernal ponds for the GFs to accommodate their reproduction, and each GT conservation area provides adequate habitat quality to sustain a viable GT population. The model also requires each GF site to be located close to GT sites so that the GFs could find refuge after they leave the water. We use the total distance of selected sites to the main roads in the military installation as a proxy for the conservation cost. We achieve contiguity of each conservation area by selecting sites that are adjacent to a central site of the conservation area to ensure undisrupted travel for both the GFs and the GTs. Using the model, we generated alternative configurations of conservation areas that could be considered by the land managers of Fort Stewart. Our methods are general and can be applied to other reserve site selection and land management problems with cohabiting interrelated species.


Author(s):  
Valerii Zhuravel

Based on the analysis of the military-political and operational situation in the Arctic region, the article reveals the actual and potential threats to the national security of the Russian Federation from the United States and the countries of the NATO bloc. The directions of strengthening the military presence in the Arctic of the Arctic states and other alliance countries are characterised. It is emphasised that the North of Norway is becoming one of the most militarised regions in Scandinavia. It is concluded that the activation of NATO in the High North may lead to a reconfiguration of relations in the security sphere. The article reveals the measures of the Russian Federation to strengthen the defence capability in the Arctic direction, protect its sovereignty and territorial integrity, and normalise the situation and relations between Russia and the United States.


2020 ◽  
Vol 16 (11) ◽  
pp. 2103-2123
Author(s):  
V.L. Gladyshevskii ◽  
E.V. Gorgola ◽  
D.V. Khudyakov

Subject. In the twentieth century, the most developed countries formed a permanent military economy represented by military-industrial complexes, which began to perform almost a system-forming role in national economies, acting as the basis for ensuring national security, and being an independent military and political force. The United States is pursuing a pronounced militaristic policy, has almost begun to unleash a new "cold war" against Russia and to unwind the arms race, on the one hand, trying to exhaust the enemy's economy, on the other hand, to reindustrialize its own economy, relying on the military-industrial complex. Objectives. We examine the evolution, main features and operational distinctions of the military-industrial complex of the United States and that of the Russian Federation, revealing sources of their military-technological and military-economic advancement in comparison with other countries. Methods. The study uses military-economic analysis, scientific and methodological apparatus of modern institutionalism. Results. Regulating the national economy and constant monitoring of budget financing contribute to the rise of military production, especially in the context of austerity and crisis phenomena, which, in particular, justifies the irrelevance of institutionalists' conclusions about increasing transaction costs and intensifying centralization in the industrial production management with respect to to the military-industrial complex. Conclusions. Proving to be much more efficient, the domestic military-industrial complex, without having such access to finance as the U.S. military monopolies, should certainly evolve and progress, strengthening the coordination, manageability, planning, maximum cost reduction, increasing labor productivity, and implementing an internal quality system with the active involvement of the State and its resources.


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