Communist Party of Peru – Shining Path

Keyword(s):  
Author(s):  
Miguel La Serna

Between 1980 and 1999, the Peruvian Communist Party—Shining Path—enveloped the Andean nation of Peru in an armed insurrection designed to topple the state and institute a communist regime. The Maoist insurrection began in the highland department of Ayacucho, quickly spreading throughout the countryside and into the cities. After initially dismissing the insurgency as the work of small-time bandits, the government responded by sending in counterterrorism police and the armed forces into guerrilla-controlled areas. Both Shining Path and government forces targeted civilians as part of their wartime strategies, while some Indigenous peasants took up arms to defend their communities from the bloodshed. In 1992, police captured Shining Path leader Abimael Guzmán, severely weakening the insurgency. By 1999, most remaining guerrilla leaders had been arrested, all but ending the armed phase of the conflict.


1995 ◽  
Vol 27 (2) ◽  
pp. 399-421 ◽  
Author(s):  
Orin Starn

AbstractThis article examines the history and ideology of the Communist Party of Peru-Shining Path (Sendero Luminoso). The rebels claim to embody a distinctively Peruvian Marxism. However, a close examination of the party betrays a conspicuous indifference to Peruvian culture and traditions. The distinctiveness of this largest and most diverse of the Andean nations disappears in the orthodoxy of a universal Marxism, in this respect placing the Shining Path within the long legacy of the imperial inscription of Latin American history into the preconceived categories and linear narratives of Western philosophy and science.


2019 ◽  
Vol 19 (1) ◽  
pp. 95-126
Author(s):  
Juan-Pablo Perez-Leon-Acevedo

Peruvian courts convicted those most responsible for acts that constitute or amount to international crimes committed during Peru’s internal conflict (1980–2000), namely, ex-leaders of the terrorist organisation Shining Path-Peruvian Communist Party and ex-senior state officials, including ex-President Alberto Fujimori. The present article seeks to identify, systematise and discuss the sentencing factors applied in this case-law. The analysis is also conducted comparatively vis-à-vis the law and practice of the International Criminal Court (icc). Sentencing factors in the examined Peruvian law and practice may be categorised into two groups: crime/culpability-related factors and offender’s personal circumstances-related factors. The article concludes that Peruvian sentencing law and practice are generally similar to icc sources.


1986 ◽  
Vol 28 (4) ◽  
pp. 165-196 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ronald H. Berg

Since 1980 the maoist party known as Sendero Luminoso, the “Shining Path,” has been waging a guerrilla campaign against the civilian government of Peru. To the surprise of most observers, this group not only has survived but has expanded its scope of operations, kept the military on the defensive, and attracted a small but significant national following.This limited success is puzzling because of the movement's small size, its lack of arms and its extreme radicalism, in a country with a diverse and substantial Left. Sendero Luminoso, calling itself the Communist Party of Peru, holds to an orthodox Maoist philosophy.


2016 ◽  
Vol 43 (6) ◽  
pp. 41-53
Author(s):  
Renzo Aroni Sulca

On August 14, 1985, during the armed conflict between the Communist Party of Peru, known as Shining Path, and the Peruvian state, an army patrol entered the town of Accomarca, in the Andean region of Ayacucho, and assassinated 69 peasants, presumed sympathizers of the insurgents. The majority of the survivors were displaced to the city of Lima, where they created an organization of victims and joined the Asociación de Hijos del Distrito Accomarca. Since 2011, the survivors and relatives of the victims have been remembering the massacre and transmitting their memories to their children through a Carnival performance of music and dance. Carnival is a constructive space for the production of other forms of memory and for the pursuit of justice and reparations through participatory choreography and musical performance. El 14 de agosto de 1985—-durante el conflicto armado entre el Partido Comunista de Perú, conocido como Sendero Luminoso, y el Estado peruano—una patrulla del ejército entró en el pueblo de Accomarca, en la región andina de Ayacucho, y asesinó a 69 campesinos, presuntos simpatizantes de los insurgentes. La mayoría de los sobrevivientes fueron desplazados a la ciudad de Lima, en donde crearon una organización de víctimas y se unieron a la Asociación de Hijos del Distrito Accomarca. Desde 2011, los sobrevivientes y los familiares de las víctimas han estado recordando la masacre y transmitiendo sus memorias a sus hijos a través de un espectáculo carnavalesco de música y baile. El carnaval es un espacio constructivo para la producción de otras formas de la memoria y para la búsqueda de la justicia y la reparación por medio de una coreografía participativa y una representación musical.


2016 ◽  
Vol 43 (6) ◽  
pp. 27-40 ◽  
Author(s):  
María Eugenia Ulfe ◽  
Vera Lucía Ríos

Memory museums exist as markers in the public domain; meanings and practices are created around them and assigned uses and silences. The Museum of the National Directorate against Terrorism in Peru displays artworks and archives seized from members of the Shining Path Communist Party of Peru and the Tupac Amaru Revolutionary Movement and can be visited only with a special permit. The memories it contains are considered “toxic” and are exhibited in a private instead of a public space. This space cannot be understood as a “museum of conscience” or a “site of memory.” Victims are not dignified there, and no symbolic reparations are made. It houses memories in the form of artwork, books, and memorabilia of those who because of their participation in the armed groups during the conflict have been denied the status of victims as defined in the country’s reparations program. Los museos de la memoria funcionan como marcadores simbólicos en el ámbito público; se construyen significados y prácticas alrededor de ellos y se les asignan usos y silencios. El Museo del Directorio Nacional en Contra del Terrorismo en el Perú muestra el trabajo artístico y los archivos incautados a los miembros del Partido Comunista del Perú-Sendero Luminoso y del Movimiento Revolucionario Tupac Amaru. El museo sólo puede visitarse con un permiso especial. Los objetos que se exhiben son considerados “tóxicos” y se exhiben en un espacio privado en vez de un espacio público. Este espacio no se puede entender como un “museo de la conciencia” o un “lugar de la memoria.” Aquí las víctimas no son dignificadas, y tampoco reciben reparaciones simbólicas. El museo alberga memorias o recuerdos (libros, dibujos, recuerdos personales) de aquéllos a quienes se les ha negado la condición de víctimas, tal como está definida en el programa de reparaciones del país, debido a su participación en los grupos armados durante el conflicto.


2020 ◽  
pp. 225-251
Author(s):  
Ernest Ming-Tak Leung

This article explores a commonly ignored aspect of Japan–North Korean relations: the Japanese factor in the making of Korean socialism. Korea was indirectly influenced by the Japanese Jiyuminken Movement, in the 1910s–1920s serving as a stepping-stone for the creation of a Japanese Communist Party. Wartime mobilization policies under Japanese rule were continued and expanded beyond the colonial era. The Juche ideology built on tendencies first exhibited in the 1942 Overcoming Modernity Conference in Japan, and in the 1970s some Japanese leftists viewed Juche as a humanist Marxism. Trade between Japan and North Korea expanded from 1961 onwards, culminating in North Korea’s default in 1976, from which point on relations soured between the two countries. Yet leaders with direct experience of colonial rule governed North Korea through to the late 1990s.


Author(s):  
Malcolm Petrie

Disruption and rowdyism at political meetingswas a feature of Victorian and Edwardian electioneering. The advent of mass democracy, and the rise of Communism in Europe, ensured that such behaviour came to be portrayed as evidence of political extremism and a threat to political stability. As a result, Labour candidates, keen to position their party as one capable of governing for the nation as a whole, distanced themselves from popular electoral traditions now synonymous with a confrontational, and unacceptable, politics of class. Heckling, rowdyism and disruption came, by the 1930s, to be associated primarily with the Communist Party.


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