The Institution Responsible for Redistricting or Reallocating Seats in the National Legislature

2020 ◽  
pp. 145-156
Author(s):  
Steve Bickerstaff
Keyword(s):  
National Legislature

The Constitutional Court

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Simon Butt ◽  
Tim Lindsey
Keyword(s):  
Constitutional Court ◽  
Judicial Reform ◽  
Future Viability ◽  
The Government ◽  
National Legislature

Indonesia’s Constitutional Court, established in 2003, is often called a model of judicial reform for other courts in Indonesia and throughout parts of Asia. It reviews statutes against the Constitution, hears disputes about elections and between state organs, and decides presidential impeachment motions brought by the national legislature. This chapter shows that this court started strongly, performing its functions professionally and commanding respect from the government and citizens, despite having no enforcement powers. It even managed to push the formal boundaries of its jurisdiction and, in our view, began to ‘make law’, thereby usurping a legislative function. However, recent corruption scandals and poorly reasoned decisions have undermined its credibility and threaten its future viability.

Democratic Federalism

2020 ◽  
pp. 99-138
Author(s):  
Robert P. Inman ◽  
Daniel L. Rubinfeld
Keyword(s):  
Public Goods ◽  
Economic Efficiency ◽  
Local Governments ◽  
Majority Rule ◽  
National Government ◽  
Democratic Participation ◽  
Simple Majority ◽  
Simple Majority Rule ◽  
Goods And Services ◽  
National Legislature

This chapter details the likely economic, democratic, and rights performance of a decentralized national legislature with representatives elected from geographically specified local districts. The national legislature is assigned responsibility for national public goods and services and national regulations. Decisions in the legislature are made by simple majority rule. Independent local governments continue to be responsible for important local services, perhaps provided concurrently with the national government. On the dimensions of democratic participation and the protection of rights and liberties, Democratic Federalism is likely to do well, provided all citizens are represented in the legislature. It is on the dimension of economic efficiency that legislature-only Democratic Federalism is most likely to fall short.

The Presidency of Nicolas Geffrard of Haiti

1954 ◽  
Vol 10 (4) ◽  
pp. 425-461
Author(s):  
John E. Baur
Keyword(s):  
Chief Executive ◽  
The People ◽  
Popular Government ◽  
Dark Complexion ◽  
The Caribbean ◽  
National Hero ◽  
The Republic ◽  
Old Republic ◽  
Holiday Celebrations ◽  
National Legislature

During the early days of 1859, Port-au-Prince was busy with holiday celebrations, dramatic addresses and colorful events. Haitians possess a certain genius for properly observing a great day, and indeed it seemed that halcyon days had at last arrived in the Caribbean. Before the national legislature that April came a new president, a man for all the people. He was a person of medium height, rather slender and very erect and dignified. A mixture of Negro and mulatto elements, the new national hero had a very dark complexion, gray hairs befitting his fifty-three years, and courteous airs. In fact, his decorum was striking, set off as it was with a quiet gentleness, polish and evident idealism that seemed almost out of place in a Haitian warrior who had just dethroned an emperor.The ownerless imperial crown, symbolic of the recently defunct regime, was brought before the restorer of the old Republic. Fittingly, the chief executive employed allegory to express his adventure into reform. After a long, flowery speech denouncing the exiled Emperor Faustin I, President Nicolas Fabre Geffrard swore fidelity to the popular government, announced some preliminary political changes, and took up a small gavel. With this he struck the crown three times, condemning the magnificent diadem and its regime as he inaugurated the Republic which must not waver. From that day on the crown of Soulouque became a museum piece, but what is symbolized could not be so easily defeated and discarded.

Decentralization and Executive-Legislative Relations in the Philippines, 1961–1967

1978 ◽  
Vol 12 (3) ◽  
pp. 377-392 ◽  
Author(s):  
A. B. Villanueva
Keyword(s):  
Local Government ◽  
Local Governments ◽  
Chief Executive ◽  
The Philippines ◽  
Constitutional Convention ◽  
The Sixties ◽  
Local Officials ◽  
Fundamental Law ◽  
National Control ◽  
National Legislature

Although the framers of the Philippine constitutional convention of 1934–35 were careful not to establish an imperium in imperio (kingdom within a kingdom), the local government system which developed was not under absolute national control either. For in spite of the efforts made by several delegates to include in the national fundamental law a provision that would have guaranteed ‘a more autonomous framework of government for the provinces and municipalities,’ and the efforts of other delegates to leave the future of local governments to the national legislature, a unitary government was agreed upon in which local governments were subject to presidential supervision. In the course of time, presidential supervision evolved to mean two things: 1) the power of the Chief Executive to appoint local officials and to review local budgets and 2) the power of congress to create local units and to grant local powers. Thus, these two political branches of the national government were to play major roles in the re-emergence of the issue of local autonomy in the fifties and the issue of decentralization in the sixties. In more specific terms, the two political branches had different views of central-local relations, especially the approach to, and extent of, decentralization. Before we proceed to discuss executivelegislative controversy on the problems of decentralization, the concept of decentralization must be understood.

The Growth of Women's Representation in the Canadian House of Commons and the Election of 1984: A Reappraisal

1994 ◽  
Vol 27 (1) ◽  
pp. 53-79 ◽  
Author(s):  
Donley T. Studlar ◽  
Richard E. Matland
Keyword(s):  
Electoral Systems ◽  
House Of Commons ◽  
Female Representation ◽  
Major Party ◽  
Federal Election ◽  
Women’S Representation ◽  
The Common ◽  
Election Results ◽  
National Legislature ◽  
Successful Candidate

AbstractIn the 1980s, Canada went from having one of the lowest levels of female representation in its national legislature to having one of the highest among countries with single-member district electoral systems. The authors examine the common assertion that this increase was largely due to the surprising Progressive Conservative landslide in the 1984 federal election. By simulating plausible alternative election results they find there would have been a substantial increase in the number of women in the parliament, regardless of how the vote split in 1984. The simulations are followed by probit analyses for 1980, 1984 and 1988 which examine what factors affected the probability a major-party candidate would be a woman and what factors affected the probability that a successful candidate would be a woman.

scholarly journals Occupy Congress in Taiwan: Political Opportunity, Threat, and the Sunflower Movement

2015 ◽  
Vol 15 (1) ◽  
pp. 69-97 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ming-sho Ho
Keyword(s):  
Social Movements ◽  
Free Trade ◽  
The State ◽  
Political Opportunity ◽  
Opposition Party ◽  
Movement Strategy ◽  
Economic Ties ◽  
National Legislature ◽  
Ruling Party

In opposition to a free trade pact with China, Taiwan's Sunflower Movement erupted in spring 2014 and occupied the national legislature for twenty-four days. Drawing from the recent debates on the relation between social movements and the state, I elaborate a revised polity model that focuses on the effects of elite disunity, threat, and movement strategy. The Sunflower Movement originated from a tactical misstep by the ruling party that created an immediate sense of threat from proposed closer economic ties with China, thereby facilitating protest mobilization. Student protesters were able to seize the national legislature because of an internal split within the ruling party and support from the opposition party. However, the failure to further exploit these favorable opportunities exposed the movement to government repression. Fortunately for the movement, the disunity among elites helped the activists manage a dignified exit, which they could claim as a success.

The LDLP Faction in the Lithuanian Seimas, 1992–1996*

1999 ◽  
Vol 27 (2) ◽  
pp. 227-246 ◽  
Author(s):  
Terry D. Clark ◽  
Stacy J. Holscher ◽  
Lisa A. Hyland
Keyword(s):  
Soviet Union ◽  
Communist Party ◽  
Democratic Party ◽  
Social Impact ◽  
Free Market ◽  
Social Democratic Party ◽  
Human Face ◽  
Social Democratic ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
National Legislature

In the 1992 elections to the national legislature, Lithuania became the first country in Eastern Europe to return its former communist party to power. Headed by Algirdas Brazauskas, the former First Secretary who had led the party in its split from the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (CPSU) in December 1990, the party had rejected the Soviet past and renamed itself the Lithuanian Democratic Labor Party (LDLP). Declaring itself a social-democratic party, the LDLP supported democracy and a free market “with a human face.” In the 1992 elections the LDLP campaigned as a party of experienced, competent administrators capable of managing the reforms in such a way as to lessen their social impact. As a result the party won a resounding victory in the elections of that year to the national legislature, winning 73 of the 141 seats in the Seimas.

Danish Parliamentary Elections of 1918

1919 ◽  
Vol 13 (4) ◽  
pp. 656-662
Author(s):  
R. S. Saby
Keyword(s):  
Special Interest ◽  
Parliamentary Elections ◽  
Lower House ◽  
Election Laws ◽  
National Legislature

Denmark enacted new election laws May 10, 1915. The first election of members of the lower house of the national legislature held under them, April 22, 1918, is of special interest; for the laws attempt in a unique way to remedy the inequalities in representation common under the singlemember district plan.

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