George H. W. Bush, Bill Clinton and John Major: A Tale of Two Relationships

Author(s):  
Victoria Honeyman
Keyword(s):  
2002 ◽  
Vol 7 (4) ◽  
pp. 245-255 ◽  
Author(s):  
Adrian Furnham ◽  
Thomas Li-Ping Tang ◽  
David Lester ◽  
Rory O'Connor ◽  
Robert Montgomery

A total of 253 British and 318 American students were asked to make various estimates of overall intelligence as well as Gardner's (1999a) new list of 10 multiple intelligences. They made these estimations (11 in all) for themselves, their partner, and for various well-known figures such as Prince Charles, Tony Blair, Bill Gates, and Bill Clinton. Following previous research there were various sex and nationality differences in self-estimated IQ: Males rated themselves higher on verbal, logical, spatial, and spiritual IQ compared to females. Females rated their male partner as having lower verbal and spiritual, but higher spatial IQ than was the case when males rated their female partners. Participants considered Bill Clinton (2 points) and Prince Charles (5 points) less intelligent than themselves, but Tony Blair (5 points) and Bill Gates (15 points) more intelligent than themselves. Multiple regressions indicated that the best predictors of one's overall IQ estimates were logical, verbal, existential, and spatial IQ. Factor analysis of the 10 and then 8 self-estimated scores did not confirm Gardner's classification of multiple intelligences. Results are discussed in terms of the growing literature in the self-estimates of intelligence, as well as limitations of that approach.


1998 ◽  
Vol 63 (1) ◽  
pp. 9-18
Author(s):  
William Quandt
Keyword(s):  

2003 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 85-101 ◽  
Author(s):  
Grace Yoo

The welfare reform law of August 1996 signed by President Bill Clinton put an end to immigrants’ eligibility of federal means tested entitlements. The rollbacks on welfare are the most drastic for older, low-income Asian immigrants who are on Supplemental Security Income. The article’s focus is in on national Asian American organizations who are involved in this political debate. The central question discuss is how did national Asian American organizations characterize and affect the 1996 federal welfare reform and immigrant debate. The selection of organizations that was studied and the findings of that investigation, along with the assessment of its effectiveness and the resources barriers they face are discussed.


2019 ◽  
Vol 22 (2) ◽  
pp. 221-240
Author(s):  
Anna Ewa Wieczorek

This article aims to discuss conceptual levels of narrative representations of utterances based on reported speech frames employed in presidential speeches. It adopts some assumptions from Chilton’s Deictic Space Theory and Cap’s Proximisation Theory, both primarily used to indicate exclusive reference, a clash of interests and threat-oriented conceptualisation of events. This article, however, extends their scope to include strategies for inclusion and positive image construction and makes a distinction between primary, secondary and tertiary embedding as discursive means that contribute to presentation of self and legitimisation. Data for this research comprise a corpus of 125 presidential speeches (25 per tenure) divided into three subcorpora: JKC – John Kennedy Corpus, BCC – Bill Clinton Corpus, and BOC – Barrack Obama Corpus. A total of 1251 instances of narrative reports have been analysed to investigate primary and multilevel embedding, which constitute the basis for this study.


2021 ◽  
pp. 1-11
Author(s):  
William E. Scheuerman

I spent a few unseasonably hot summer days in 1996 digging around in the German Federal Archives in Koblenz for what later became a lengthy essay on Ernst Fraenkel (1898–1975), the neglected German socialist political and legal thinker. I still recall struggling to justify my efforts not simply as an historian of ideas but also as a political theorist who, at least in principle, was expected to make systematic contributions to contemporary debates. The problem was that Fraenkel had focused his acumen on investigating liberal democratic instability and German fascism, matters that did not seem directly pertinent to a political and intellectual constellation in which political scientists were celebrating democracy's “third wave.” With Tony Blair and Bill Clinton touting Third Way politics, and many former dictatorships seemingly on a secure path to liberal democracy, Fraenkel's preoccupations seemed dated. Even though Judith Shklar had noted, as late as 1989, that “anyone who thinks that fascism in one guise or another is dead and gone ought to think again,” political pundits and scholars in the mid-1990s typically assumed that capitalist liberal democracy's future was secure. When I returned to the US and described my research to colleagues, they responded, unsurprisingly, politely but without much enthusiasm.


2002 ◽  
Vol 61 (4) ◽  
pp. 415
Author(s):  
Margaret E. Scranton ◽  
Joe Klein ◽  
David Brock
Keyword(s):  

Istoriya ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 12 (11 (109)) ◽  
pp. 0
Author(s):  
Antonio de'Robertis

The article examines the liberal international order, its evolution and decline, draws on opinions of critics, journalists, diplomats and scholars. The author analyzes the reasons and stages of the decline of traditional liberal order, as well as its transformation into neoliberal democracy. The presidencies of Bill Clinton and George W. Bush stand out as a period in which the international order begins to change its nature. In addition, the article touches upon the consequences of hyper globalization in the context of the formation of neoliberal democracy. As a result of this analysis, the author raises the problem of not understanding the essence of illiberal democracies.


1998 ◽  
Vol 26 (2) ◽  
pp. 64-69
Author(s):  
Larry A. Swatuk

With fanfare befitting the arrival of a god of the Western material world, U.S. President Bill Clinton toured Southern Africa imparting “words of wisdom” along the way. His aim, we were told, was to see that the United States becomes Africa’s “true partner.” The reason being, according to Clinton, “[a]s Africa grows strong, America grows stronger ... Yes, Africa needs the world, but more than ever it is equally true that the world needs Africa.” To this end, the United States would pursue a mix of political and economic policies that included the African Crisis Response Initiative and the Africa Growth and Opportunity Act, both designed to foster “stability” and “prosperity” on the continent. Lofty goals, to be sure, but ends whose means are badly in need of interrogation. This article does just that: To wit, does Clinton, on behalf of U.S. policymakers, mean what he says? If so, in naming “peace” and “prosperity,” can he make them? Put differently, does the Clinton administration have the power to introduce order where there was chaos? Or will it only compound existing problems and visit new ones upon those who had few to begin with?


2018 ◽  
Vol 17 (02) ◽  
pp. 340-357 ◽  
Author(s):  
Byron E. Shafer ◽  
Regina L. Wagner

How much of politics is specific to its actors and how much is the reflection of an established structure is a perennial concern of political analysts, one that becomes especially intense with the candidacy and then the presidency of Donald Trump. In order to have a template for assigning the outcomes of politics to structure rather than idiosyncrasy, we begin with party balance, ideological polarization, substantive content, and a resulting process of policy-making drawn from the immediate postwar period. The analysis then jumps forward with that same template to the modern world, dropping first the Trump candidacy and then the Trump presidency into this framework. What emerges is a modern electoral world with increased prospects for what might be called off-diagonal candidacies and a policy-making process that gathers Bill Clinton, George W. Bush, Barack Obama, and Donald Trump together as the modern presidents.


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