The Macro-Political Dimension of Santa Monica: Intertwined Co-governance, Interlegality and Prisoner-Delegates

2021 ◽  
pp. 115-160
Author(s):  
Lucia Bracco Bruce
Keyword(s):  
Political Dimension ◽  
Santa Monica

Social and political dimension of stigmatization: The development of Natasha and Maria images for immigrants in Istanbul

2016 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 159-168
Author(s):  
Bayram Unal
Keyword(s):  
Public Perception ◽  
Daily Life ◽  
Legal Framework ◽  
State Law ◽  
Migrant Women ◽  
Political Dimension ◽  
Security Forces ◽  
Official Discourse ◽  
The Third ◽  
The Impact

This study aims at understanding how the perceptions about migrants have been created and transferred into daily life as a stigmatization by means of public perception, media and state law implementations.  The focus would be briefly what kind of consequences these perceptions and stigmatization might lead. First section will examine the background of migration to Turkey briefly and make a summary of migration towards Turkey by 90s. Second section will briefly evaluate the preferential legal framework, which constitutes the base for official discourse differentiating the migrants and implementations of security forces that can be described as discriminatory. The third section deals with the impact of perceptions influential in both formation and reproduction of inclusive and exclusive practices towards migrant women. Additionally, impact of public perception in classifying the migrants and migratory processes would be dealt in this section.

Arte ConTexto

2020 ◽  
Vol 2 (3) ◽  
pp. 29-52
Author(s):  
Antonio Bellisario ◽  
Leslie Prock
Keyword(s):  
Public Space ◽  
Political Violence ◽  
Pictorial Representation ◽  
The Political ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
Political Dimension ◽  
Political Views ◽  
Socialist Government ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
The Military

The article examines Chilean muralism, looking at its role in articulating political struggles in urban public space through a visual political culture perspective that emphasizes its sociological and ideological context. The analysis characterizes the main themes and functions of left-wing brigade muralism and outlines four subpolitical phases: (i) Chilean mural painting’s beginnings in 1940–1950, especially following the influence of Mexican muralism, (ii) the development of brigade muralism for political persuasion under the context of revolutionary sociopolitical upheaval during the 1960s and in the socialist government of Allende from 1970 to 1973, (iii) the characteristics of muralism during the Pinochet dictatorship in the 1980s as a form of popular protest, and (iv) muralism to express broader social discontent during the return to democracy in the 1990s. How did the progressive popular culture movement represent, through murals, the political hopes during Allende’s government and then the political violence suffered under the military dictatorship? Several online repositories of photographs of left-wing brigade murals provide data for the analysis, which suggests that brigade muralism used murals mostly for political expression and for popular education. Visual art’s inherent political dimension is enmeshed in a field of power constituted by hegemony and confrontation. The muralist brigades executed murals to express their political views and offer them to all spectators because the street wall was within everyone's reach. These murals also suggested ideas that went beyond pictorial representation; thus, muralism was a process of education that invited the audience to decipher its polysemic elements.

Religion and the Construction of a Christian Roman Polity

2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 76-113
Author(s):  
Francesco Rotiroti
Keyword(s):  
Theoretical Framework ◽  
Political Community ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Dimension ◽  
Roman World ◽  
Recent Scholarship ◽  
Theories Of Religion ◽  
Ancient Christianity

This article seeks to define a theoretical framework for the study of the relation between religion and the political community in the Roman world and to analyze a particular case in point. The first part reviews two prominent theories of religion developed in the last fifty years through the combined efforts of anthropologists and classicists, arguing for their complementary contribution to the understanding of religion's political dimension. It also provides an overview of the approaches of recent scholarship to the relation between religion and the Roman polity, contextualizing the efforts of this article toward a theoretical reframing of the political and institutional elements of ancient Christianity. The second part focuses on the religious legislation of the Theodosian Code, with particular emphasis on the laws against the heretics and their performance in the construction of the political community. With their characteristic language of exclusion, these laws signal the persisting overlap between the borders of the political community and the borders of religion, in a manner that one would expect from pre-Christian civic religions. Nevertheless, the political essence of religion did also adapt to the ecumenical dimension of the empire. Indeed, the religious norms of the Code appear to structure a community whose borders tend to be identical to the borders of the whole inhabited world, within which there is no longer room for alternative affiliations; the only possible identity outside this community is that of the insane, not belonging to any political entity and thus unable to possess any right.

Waldentwicklung als Politikfeld. Das südwestliche Rheinland (Deutschland) im 18. Jahrhundert | Political dimension of forest development. Southwest Rhineland (Germany) in the 18th century

2001 ◽  
Vol 152 (12) ◽  
pp. 484-489
Author(s):  
Christoph Ernst
Keyword(s):  
18Th Century ◽  
Wood Production ◽  
Political Issue ◽  
Political Dimension ◽  
Mutual Dependence ◽  
New Knowledge ◽  
Different Types ◽  
Production Agriculture ◽  
Landed Gentry ◽  
Archive Material

Evaluation of archive material from southwest Rhineland, Germany,has provided new knowledge on the development of forests in the 18th century. The society of those times had three different main requirements, which called for three different types of forest; for wood production, agriculture and hunting. But both landed gentry and the community as a whole were interested in maximising the use of the forest. It is therefore not accurate to conclude that wood production was only in the interest of the landowners and agriculture in the interest of the rest of the community. In addition, the different types of forest were subject to mutual dependence because changing one parameter meant that the balance governing wood production,grazing and arable areas, as well as habitat for game,also shifted. These interests, both divergent and common, of the population as a whole lead to the conclusion that forestry development was a highly political issue, and that the influence of the non-owning part of the population was greater than previously thought.

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