The Right to Water: The Political Function of Human Rights as an Expression of the Contradictions in Globalization

2018 ◽  
pp. 53-75
Author(s):  
Sylvie Paquerot
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Function ◽  
The Right

29. Arendt

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Justine Lacroix
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
Human Condition ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Conception ◽  
Key Concepts ◽  
Political Interpretation ◽  
The Right ◽  
The Way ◽  
The Human Condition

This chapter examines a number of key concepts in Hannah Arendt's work, with particular emphasis on how they have influenced contemporary thought about the meaning of human rights. It begins with a discussion of Arendt's claim that totalitarianism amounts to a destruction of the political domain and a denial of the human condition itself; this in turn had occurred only because human rights had lost all validity. It then considers Arendt's formula of the ‘right to have rights’ and how it opens the way to a ‘political’ conception of human rights founded on the defence of republican institutions and public-spiritedness. It shows that this ‘political’ interpretation of human rights is itself based on an underlying understanding of the human condition as marked by natality, liberty, plurality and action, The chapter concludes by reflecting on the so-called ‘right to humanity’.

scholarly journals RESTRICTIONS OF THE POLITICAL RIGHTS AND FREEDOMS: REGULATORY GROUNDS, MECHANISM OF IMPLEMENTATION

2020 ◽  
pp. 18-24
Author(s):  
O. Kosilova
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
Well Being ◽  
The State ◽  
General Nature ◽  
The Political ◽  
Constitutional Court ◽  
Political Rights ◽  
Process Implementation ◽  
Basic Law ◽  
The Right

The article examines the problem of restriction of political rights and freedoms. It is emphasized that the protection against unlawful restrictions on political rights and freedoms is particularly important for the functioning of direct and mediatory democracy. The meaning of the concept of «restriction of rights and freedoms» is analyzed. The article addresses the basic principles which should not be violated when the restriction of rights and freedoms is applied. To achieve this goal, the author analyzes the rules of domestic law, the practice of the Constitutional Court of Ukraine, the rules of international law governing these issues. The author differentiates political rights and freedoms into those that may be restricted in accordance with the provisions of the Basic Law of Ukraine and those that are not subject to any restrictions; features of realization of political rights and freedoms in comparison with other groups of rights, such as social and economic, cultural are defined. Some of the political rights and freedoms that may be restricted are analyzed and ways to restrict them are identified, in particular: the right to join political parties, suffrage, the right to peaceful assembly, rallies, marches and demonstrations, the right to equal access to public service, freedom words, thoughts, views and beliefs. It is noted that from the standpoint of the ECHR it is important to check whether the possibility of restricting the exercise of the right was provided by law; whether the purpose of such a restriction is legitimate; whether such a restriction is necessary in a democratic society. The legitimate grounds for restricting human rights enshrined in the Constitution of Ukraine have been identified: public health; social necessity; rights, freedoms and dignity of citizens; public order; economic well-being; national security; territorial integrity; morality of the population. It is emphasized that in accordance with the practice of the Constitutional Court of Ukraine, the restriction of the content and scope of rights and freedoms should be considered as a restriction. It is important that all restrictions were established exclusively by the constitution; were not arbitrary and unjust; the law restricting human rights must be of a general nature; restrictions must be proportionate and justified; they must optimally achieve a legitimate goal with minimal interference in the exercise of rights or freedoms, not to violate the essential content of the relevant right. It is determined that special qualification requirements for holding public positions, as well as participation in the electoral process (implementation of active and passive suffrage) cannot be considered restrictions. It is emphasized that the state, represented by its organs, should refrain from unjustified interference with political rights (for example, from discriminatory restrictions on the suspension of political rights of prisoners, violation of electoral secrecy of the ballot); take measures against possible violations of political rights by third parties (individuals, companies, etc.). It is concluded that restrictions on the exercise of political rights of individuals can be introduced either in favor of guaranteeing the rights of other individuals, or in favor of ensuring the functioning of the state. The legitimate exercise of political rights can be restricted only if the general conditions for interfering with fundamental human rights are met.

scholarly journals Eksistensi Partai Politik Lokal di Provinsi Papua Pasca Putusan Mahkamah Konstitusi Nomor 41/PUU-XVII/2019

2021 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
pp. 103-120
Author(s):  
Galih Raka Siwi ◽  
Reviansyah Erlianto ◽  
Maharani Nurdin
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
Political Party ◽  
Research Method ◽  
Secondary Data ◽  
The Political ◽  
Constitutional Court ◽  
Political Field ◽  
Legal Uncertainty ◽  
The Right

The existence of local political parties in Indonesia is a tangible form of the existence of special autonomy in a certain area. The specificity of a certain area is regulated in the 1945 Constitution Article 18B paragraph (1). In addition, the formation of local political parties is one of the human rights in the political field, as stated in Article 28E paragraph (3) of the 1945 Constitution. The research method uses a normative juridical approach with secondary data and analyzed descriptively qualitatively. Based on research, Papua Province has the right to form political parties (see Article 28 paragraph (1) of the Papua Province Special Autonomy Law). However, the phrase "political party" is considered to have multiple interpretations, thus creating legal uncertainty. Through the decision of the Constitutional Court Number 41/PUU-XVII/2019, the legal uncertainty can be guaranteed by the Constitutional Court Decision. In the future, by looking at the background and real needs of the Papua Province, it is possible to form a Local Political Party in the Papua Province, considering the condition of the Papua Province as a special autonomous region.Partai politik lokal di Indonesia merupakan wujud nyata adanya otonomi khusus di suatu daerah. Kekhususan suatu daerah diatur dalam UUD 1945 Pasal 18B ayat (1). Selain itu, pembentukan partai politik lokal merupakan salah satu hak asasi manusia di bidang politik, sebagaimana tercantum dalam Pasal 28E ayat (3) UUD 1945. Metode penelitian menggunakan pendekatan yuridis normatif dengan data sekunder dan dianalisis secara deskriptif kualitatif. Berdasarkan penelitian, Provinsi Papua berhak membentuk partai politik (lihat Pasal 28 ayat (1) UU Otsus Provinsi Papua). Namun, ungkapan “partai politik” dianggap memiliki multitafsir sehingga menimbulkan ketidakpastian hukum. Melalui putusan MK Nomor 41/PUU-XVII/2019, ketidakpastian hukum dapat dijamin oleh Putusan MK tersebut. Ke depan, dengan melihat latar belakang dan kebutuhan riil Provinsi Papua, dimung­kinkan dibentuknya Partai Politik Lokal di Provinsi Papua, mengingat kondisi Provinsi Papua sebagai daerah otonomi khusus.

Conclusion Human rights in a brave new world: the shape of things to come?

2020 ◽  
pp. 263-274
Author(s):  
Fred Powell
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
New World ◽  
First Century ◽  
The Political ◽  
Complex Relationship ◽  
Individual Liberty ◽  
The Future ◽  
Brave New World ◽  
To Come ◽  
The Right

This chapter explores the political context of human rights and how it is shaping the future. It argues that human rights constitute the very substance of democracy by conferring a universal set of rights on the citizen, arguing that Hannah Arendt’s famous phrase ‘the right to have rights’ defines the complex relationship between democracy, human rights and civil society. It discusses how human rights embracing both individual liberty and social justice have been historically contested and critically assesses the state of human rights in today’s world along with the potential threats and opportunities for human rights development into the future. The chapter concludes by arguing that the restoration of a universal welfare state, as the embodiment of human rights in a globalised world, arguably should be the priority for the future of democracy in the twenty-first century.

Right to Free Elections: Emerging Guarantees or Two Layers of Protection?

2009 ◽  
Vol 27 (3) ◽  
pp. 361-390 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sergey Golubok
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
Case Law ◽  
European Convention ◽  
Soft Law ◽  
The Political ◽  
Council Of Europe ◽  
Venice Commission ◽  
The Right ◽  
Further Development

The article analyses the drafting history and background of the ‘political clause’ of the European Convention on Human Rights – Article 3 of Protocol No. 1 which provides for the right to free elections. It discusses main concepts developed by the Strasbourg Court's jurisprudence concerning that clause. Special attention is devoted to the new trends in the case-law, including gradual emergence of procedural obligations under Article 3, its interplay with other substantive provisions of the Convention, the influence of the ‘soft-law’ instruments emanating from other organs of the Council of Europe, primarily texts of the Venice Commission. In conclusion, two options regarding further development of the Court's case-law on the right to free elections are proposed: the avenue of newly emerging guarantees and the avenue of two (narrower and wider) layers of protection.

scholarly journals The Political Economy of the Constitutional Right to Asylum

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lucas Kowalczyk ◽  
Mila Versteeg
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
Original Data ◽  
Legal Framework ◽  
The Political ◽  
Data Set ◽  
Legal Standards ◽  
Legal Obligations ◽  
Foreign Countries ◽  
Self Interest ◽  
The Right

102 Cornell L. Rev. 1219 (2017)The issues of mass migrations, displaced persons, and refugees from war-torn countries are not new, but they have become particularly prominent and contentious in recent years and will garner even more attention as climate change refugees begin to cross borders seeking new homes in foreign countries. Academics and policy-makers have jointly turned to international law to remind states of their international legal obligations toward refugees; yet they are also quick to point out the inadequacies of the international legal framework. At the same time, efforts to address these inadequacies and to lay down general legal standards and policies to manage the growing migration flows have faltered. Surprisingly, in light of the mounting crisis, it has largely escaped the attention of commentators that a substantial number of countries provide a right to asylum in their constitutions. Remarkably, constitutional asylum provisions often go beyond states’ international legal obligations and establish permanent legal solutions for those seeking sanctuary. In addition, constitutional provisions are insulated from changing political tides and encourage governments to honor their commitments even when doing so lacks popular support. These constitutional provisions thus hold substantial promise to address some of the most pressing legal problems of our time. This Article offers the first systematic exploration of constitutional asylum provisions. It presents an original data set on right to asylum provisions in all national constitutions written since 1789, explores the first instances of adoption, and traces the right’s development over time. The data reveals that, currently, approximately thirty-five percent of all countries have constitutionalized the right to asylum. Drawing on both real-world examples and regression analysis, we find that constitutional asylum provisions serve a complicated purpose. Some constitutions frame asylum as a right for all those in need, thus, seemingly serving a true humanitarian purpose. Other states, however, use the right as an instrument to broadcast their doctrines and to cast judgment on the views of other countries by granting asylum only to those that share the ideology of the host nation. This latter version of the right to asylum is particularly prominent in authoritarian and socialist constitutions. Thus, asylum provisions can serve as both a humanitarian tool for providing state-sponsored sanctuary to persecuted persons and an overt instrument of foreign policy deployed to achieve the political objectives of the host nation.We further find that the adoption of asylum provisions can be motivated by self-interest. Even when framed as a universal right, asylum might be a useful tool to condemn the human rights records of foreign countries. Moreover, we find that countries with net refugee outflows, such as some of the smallest and poorest African states, as well as nations with aging and declining populations, such as Germany, more readily entrench the right to asylum in their constitutions. We conclude that these apparently self-serving motivations for constitutionalizing asylum rights are not necessarily detrimental for asylum-seekers, nor do they necessarily undermine the right: appealing to self-interest, rather than self-sacrifice or humanitarian ideals, might actually prove more effective in motivating states to ensure adequate protection of human rights, including the right to asylum.

scholarly journals The ‘Right to Have Rights’ 65 Years Later: Justice Beyond Humanitarianism, Politics Beyond Sovereignty

2017 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Katherine Howard
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
Global Justice ◽  
Global Scale ◽  
Global Politics ◽  
The Political ◽  
Human Beings ◽  
Practical Application ◽  
Political Situation ◽  
Human Cost ◽  
The Right

Readers of Hannah Arendt’s now classic formulation of the statelessness problem in her 1951 book The Origins of Totalitarianism abound at a moment when the number of stateless peoples worldwide continues to rise exponentially. Along with statelessness, few concepts in Arendt scholarship have spawned such a volume of literature, and perhaps none have provoked as much interest outside of the field of philosophy, as ‘the right to have rights.’ Interpreting this enigmatic term exposes the heart of our beliefs about the nature of the political and has important consequences for how we practice politics on a global scale because it implicitly takes plural human beings, and not the citizen, as its subjects. Arendt’s conceptualization of this problem remains unsurpassed in its diagnosis of the political situation of statelessness, as well as its intimate description of the human cost of what she refers to as ‘world loss,’ a phenomenon that the prevailing human rights and global justice discourse does not take into account. And yet, as an alternative framework for thinking about global politics, the right to have rights resists easy interpretation, let alone practical application.

scholarly journals Tinjauan Yuridis Putusan Constitutional Review Mahkamah Konstitusi Tentang Hak Mantan Narapidana Untuk Menjadi Pejabat Publik Yang Dipilih

2021 ◽  
Vol 8 (5) ◽  
Author(s):  
Nanang Nur Wahyudi ◽  
Nynda Fatmawati Octarina
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
Judicial Review ◽  
Universal Declaration ◽  
The Political ◽  
Constitutional Court ◽  
Political Rights ◽  
Constitutional Review ◽  
Civil And Political Rights ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The Right

Hak Politik dilindungi hukum, baik secara internasional maupun nsional. secara internasional, hak politik diatur Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR) dan International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR). hak politik juga dilindungi konsitusi kita dan beberapa peraturan Perundang-Undangan lainnya, serutama Undang-Undang no 39 tahun 1999 tentang Hak Asasi Manusia. Adanya ketentuan yang merupakan syarat untuk mencalonkan diri pada pemilihan yang jelas membatasi bahkan meniadakan hak seseorang untuk ikut serta dalam menggunakan hak azasinya. Hal ini jelas merupakan pelanggaran terhadap hak azasi seseorang, yang dalam hal ini hak politik yang dimiliki oleh seorang mantan narapidana khususnya pada kasus korupsi. Apabila kita mencermati ketentuan UUD 1945, maka seorang mantan narapidana juga sebagai warga negara yang memiliki hak politik yang sama dengan warga negara lainnya. Hak Uji materiel terhadap peraturan yang  bertentangan dengan Undang-Undang Dasar 1945, maka kewenangan hak menguji ada pada Mahkamah Konstitusi (MK). Putusan Mahkamah Konstitusi memberi kepastian hukum bahwa seorang mantan Narapidana kasus korupsi masih diperbolehkan untuk mencalonkan diri pada pemilihan kepala daerah karena mantan narapidana masih memiliki hak politik sebagai warga negara. Untuk dapat mencalonkan diri pada pemilihan kepala daerah, maka mantan narapidana setelah melewati masa 5 (lima) tahun  selesai menjalani masa hukuman dan telah kembali kepada kehidupan masyarakat sebagaimana kehidupan masyarakat lainnya. Menghormati hak politik mantan narapidana kasus korupsi sebagai pengakuan terhadap hak azasi manusia dalam negara Republik Indonesia yang merupakan hak konstitusional yang diatur dalam UUD Tahun 1945. Kata Kunci : Narapidana, Judisial Review, Hak, Putusan Mahkamah Konstitusi ABSTRACTPolitical rights are protected by law, both internationally and nationally. Internationally, political rights are regulated by the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR) and the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR). Political rights are also protected by our constitution and several other laws and regulations, especially Law No. 39 of 1999 concerning Human Rights. There is a provision which is a requirement to run for election which clearly limits and even negates a person's right to participate in exercising their human rights. This is clearly a violation of a person's human rights, which in this case the political rights of an ex-convict, especially in cases of corruption. If we look at the provisions of the 1945 Constitution, an ex-convict is also a citizen who has the same political rights as other citizens. The right to judicial review of regulations that are contrary to the 1945 Constitution, the authority of the right to examine lies with the Constitutional Court (MK). The Constitutional Court's decision provides legal certainty that a former convict in a corruption case is still allowed to run for regional head elections because ex-convicts still have political rights as citizens. To be able to run for regional head elections, ex-convicts after passing through a period of 5 (five) years have finished serving their sentence and have returned to community life as other people's lives. Respect the political rights of ex-convicts of corruption cases as an acknowledgment of human rights in the Republic of Indonesia which are constitutional rights regulated in the 1945 Constitution. Keywords: Prisoners, Judicial Review, Rights, Constitutional Court Decisions

scholarly journals Hak Mantan Narapidana untuk Turut Serta dalam Pemerintahan

2019 ◽  
Vol 34 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Noer Sida
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
Judicial Review ◽  
General Election ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Rights ◽  
Sexual Crimes ◽  
Commission Regulation ◽  
The Right ◽  
Election Commission ◽  
Democratic Country

AbstractThe general election is a means of implementing the people's sovereignty to elect people who will occupy the seat of government. This general election was held to realize a democratic country, where the leaders were chosen based on the majority of votes. Countries that adhere to democracy generally accommodate the political rights of their citizens in an election, whether they are direct or indirect. Basically everyone has the right to participate in government in other words everyone has the right to be elected or elected. Regarding to Election Commission Regulation Number 20 Year 2018 regarding the Nomination of Members of The House Representatives, Assembly at Provincial and Assembly at Regional, there is one requirement for legislative candidate became controversial because there is a prohibition on ex-prisoners of corruption, drugs (as a dealer), and sexual crimes against children to be the Nomination of Members of The House Representatives, Assembly at Provincial and Assembly at Regional. Some ex-convicts already did judicial review, therefore we need to understand the legality of the regulation for ex-convicts regarding to election.Key Words: Human Rights, Right to Participate in Government, Ex-convictAbstrakPemilihan umum adalah adalah sarana pelaksanaan kedaulatan rakyat untuk memilih orang-orang yang akan menduduki kursi pemerintahan. Pemilihan umum ini diadakan untuk mewujudkan negara yang demokrasi, di mana para pemimpinnya dipilih berdasarkan suara mayoritas terbanyak. Negara-negara yang menganut demokrasi, pada umumnya mengakomodir hak politik warga negaranya dalam suatu penyelenggaraan pemilihan umum, baik itu bersifat langsung maupun tidak langsung. Pada dasarnya setiap orang memiliki hak untuk berpartisipasi dalam pemerintahan dengan kata lain setiap orang memiliki hak untuk dipilih maupun memilih. Peraturan KPU Nomor 20 Tahun 2018 tentang Pencalonan Anggota DPR, DPRD Provinsi dan DPRD Kabupaten/Kota memberikan batasan satu syarat bagi calon anggota legislatif yang menjadi kontroversi karena adanya larangan bagi mantan narapidana  korupsi, narkoba (sebagai bandar), dan kejahatan seksual terhadap anak untuk mencalonkan diri sebagai anggota DPR, DPRD Provinsi dan DPRD Kabupaten/Kota. Beberapa pihak yang merasa dirugikan oleh peraturan tersebut mengajukan judicial review, oleh karena itu, patut dikaji bagaimana legalitas hak yang dimiliki oleh mantan narapidana dalam pemilihan umum.Kata Kunci: Hak Asasi Manusia, Hak untuk Turut Serta dalam Pemerintahan, Mantan Narapidana.

The reality of human rights in Egypt after the January 2011 revolution A study in reports of international non-governmental organizations

2020 ◽  
pp. 143
Author(s):  
Hussam Mamdouh Khero
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
Social Justice ◽  
Political System ◽  
The Political ◽  
Amnesty International ◽  
Governmental Organizations ◽  
Non Governmental Organizations ◽  
The Right ◽  
The Revolution

The research in our hands seeks to reveal the reality of human rights in Egypt after the January 2011 revolution and has the revolution succeeded in achieving its slogans of (living, freedom, and social justice) as it succeeded in removing former President Mohamed Hosni Mubarak? The research also seeks to solve the problem related to the Egyptian human rights, which links the security of the Egyptian citizen and his rights, as the researcher assumes that the political system that forms on the ruins of Mubarak’s rule put the Egyptian citizen between these two options without the right to enjoy both, so long as security is weak, there is no room to talk about human rights . The researcher has relied on the reports of Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch as two international non-governmental organizations specializing in human rights and they have experience in this file the big thing, so we examined their reports for the years after the January revolution in study and analysis in our endeavor to prove the hypothesis that the researcher started and which we explained above.

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