2021 ◽  
pp. 009385482110067
Author(s):  
Daniel K. Pryce ◽  
Ajima Olaghere ◽  
Robert A. Brown ◽  
Vondell M. Davis

The relationship between the police and African Americans has had a contentious history for decades. To explore this topic further, we interviewed 77 African Americans in the City of Durham, NC, about the declining relationship between their community and the police. We find that African Americans’ perceptions of the police are nuanced and complicated by personal experiences, vicarious experiences of relatives and friends, and news from social media and television regarding policing practices and treatment, including police harassment and/or brutality. We characterize these direct and vicarious experiences as the transmission of trauma. Even for the proportion of African Americans who had positive perceptions and interactions with the police, their views of the police seemed to be further complicated by broader concerns of discriminatory treatment. We proffer solutions to improve the relationship between the police and African Americans. The implications of our findings for future research are also discussed.


Author(s):  
Donald W. Rogers

This epilogue shows that Hague v. CIO had a legacy more complex than its reputation as a speech rights victory for workers and others over dictatorial city boss Frank Hague under the Bill of Rights. The American Civil Liberties Union and renamed Congress of Industrial Organizations (CIO) immediately split over the decision’s ramifications. Moreover, while the ruling enlarged constitutional protection for the right of public assembly to the benefit of Jehovah’s Witnesses, civil rights demonstrators, and others, it did little to enhance picketing and other “labor speech,” or to shield union organizers from police harassment. And while the decision freed the CIO to organize in Jersey City, it did not destroy Mayor Hague, who accommodated CIO unions and was ousted later due to city politics.


2020 ◽  
pp. 026377582095870
Author(s):  
Laura Schack ◽  
Ashley Witcher

Civil society actors aiding border crossers in Europe have been subject to systematic criminalization through prosecutions and attempted prosecutions, extensive police harassment, public scapegoating, and the imposition of bureaucratic barriers. We seek to explain why this is occurring through the analysis of field research data, collected in Greece between 2017 and 2019, through the lens of Derrida’s concept of “hostile hospitality”. We develop a theoretical framework with three key features: first, the demarcation between insider and outsider which lies at the core of notions of hospitality; second, the constitutive relationship between hostility and hospitality which is closely related to notions of sovereignty; and third, the primacy of state definitions of hospitality, which subordinate private and collective hospitality practices. This explanatory framework guides the analysis of two case studies from our fieldwork: the criminalization of solidarity initiatives providing accommodation in squats in Athens and Pikpa camp on Lesvos, and the criminalization of boat-spotting and search and rescue activities on Lesvos. We conclude that civil society actors aiding border crossers in Greece are criminalized because they challenge and interfere with state policies and practices of hostile hospitality.


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anne McGlynn-Wright ◽  
Robert D Crutchfield ◽  
Martie L Skinner ◽  
Kevin P Haggerty

Abstract Research on race and policing indicates that Black Americans experience a greater frequency of police contacts, discretionary stops, and police harassment when stops occur. Yet, studies examining the long-term consequences of police contact with young people have not examined whether criminal justice consequences of police contact differ by race. We address this issue by examining whether police encounters with children and adolescents predict arrest in young adulthood and if these effects are the same for Black and White individuals. The paper uses longitudinal survey data from 331 Black and White respondents enrolled in the Seattle Public School District as eighth graders in 2001 and 2002. Our findings indicate that police encounters in childhood increase the risk of arrest in young adulthood for Black but not White respondents. Black respondents who experience contact with the police by the eighth grade have eleven times greater odds of being arrested when they are 20 years old than their White counterparts.


1982 ◽  
Vol 11 (6) ◽  
pp. 29-30
Author(s):  
Ronald Segal

Ruth First, Director of the Centre for African Studies in Maputo, Mozambique, was killed by a letter bomb in her office on 17 August 1982: the final act of censorship on a lifetime of active opposition to apartheid and other forms of social injustice in South Africa. Born in Johannesburg in 1925, she was a student of social science at Witwatersrand University when she joined the Communist Party and founded a multi-racial students' group. During the great African mine strike of 1946 she was among a handful of whites who assisted the strikers. In 1947, despite risk of police harassment, she helped to expose farm labour conditions on the Bethal potato farms, writing investigative articles which led directly to a month-long boycott of potatoes organised by the Congress Alliance, headed by the African National Congress. Soon afterwards she was appointed Johannesburg editor of three radical South African investigative papers: the Guardian, the Clarion, and New Age, each in turn banned by the government. With her husband Joe Slovo, an Advocate, and with Fatima Meer (see outside back cover), she was one of the 156 people accused but acquitted in the Treason Trial of 1956. In the early 1960s she visited South West Africa (Namibia) and wrote a searing expose of apartheid in that territory which was, and remains, under United Nations mandate but is run by South Africa. The book resulted in tighter government restrictions on her activities, prohibiting any publication of her work and forbidding her from even entering newspaper offices. In 1963 she was detained and held for 117 days, much of it in solitary confinement. Shortly after her release from prison, when it was obvious that she would be rearrested, she left South Africa. During her years of exile in England, she wrote The Barrel of a Gun, a study of African coups, and a portrait of Libya entitled The Elusive Revolution. She lectured in sociology for several years at Durham University. In 1978 she returned to Africa, to take up the post in Mozambique which she held at the time of her death. As head of an international research team, she was helping to initiate plans for the new Mozambique: economic and socio-political development projects which promised to make Mozambique economically independent of South Africa. It seems she became a target in South Africa's apparent programme of destabilising its black neighbours. Ruth First's book, 117 days, an account of her confinement and interrogation under the South African 90-day detention law, was first published in 1965. It was republished by Penguin Books in November 1982, with a new preface by Ronald Segal, which we reprint below:


2018 ◽  
Vol 14 (32) ◽  
pp. 115
Author(s):  
Chadji Rosine ◽  
Folefack Denis Pompidou

The main aim of this study is to evaluate the working conditions of some women who supply plantain bananas to markets in Douala. Surveys were conducted among 60 women along National Road 5. This study revealed that the supply chain is dominated by older women (47 years old). Nearly half were married contrary to what one might have thought. Furthermore majority of these women were from the Western Region (76%) and were more experience; to carry out this activity Nevertheless they were faced with difficulties such as Long working hours from 4 am to midnight (than 15 hours) s, braving the risk of aggression and accidents. Their goods were best transported by bus or trucks to the rural markets. In order to purchase this product they are subjected to a lot of challenges and in addition to this, their physical condition must be in order. Another challenge faced by these women is the long waiting hours for trucks or buses to come by. This can take 2–6 hours before the buses arrive. In addition, the activity is mostly appreciated by the actors who do contribute to the economic empowerment of women, because it is profitable. However, they are faced with several constraints such as: theft, insecurity; high cost of transportation; lack of information; poor road infrastructure; police harassment; difficulties to have a warehouse to facilitate the storage and conservation conditions, etc. Due to these constraints, the commercial potential of women is hindered and much lower than it could be.


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