Warum Deficit-Spending nicht hilft

2021 ◽  
pp. 97-109
Author(s):  
Christoph Braunschweig ◽  
Bernhard Pichler
Keyword(s):  
2018 ◽  
Vol 65 (1) ◽  
pp. 123-130
Author(s):  
Yu Hsing

Extending the IS-MP-AS model, this article finds that real depreciation helped to raise real gross domestic product (GDP) during 1999.Q1-2010.Q2 whereas real appreciation helped to increase real GDP during 2010.Q3-2016.Q4. In addition, a lower world real interest rate, a higher stock price, a higher real oil price or a lower expected inflation would increase real GDP. More deficit spending as a percent of GDP does not affect real GDP.JEL Classification: F41, E62


Author(s):  
Robert Nadeau

The new york times editorial page attributed the lack of regulation that resulted in the meltdown of the financial markets in 2008 to the “Bush administration’s magical belief that the market, with its invisible hand, works best when it is left alone to self regulate and self correct.” But what the editorial failed to mention is that the Bush administration’s $700 billion economic stimulus plan and the Obama administration’s $789 billion American Recovery and Reinvestment Act were both predicated on this magical belief. The fundamental assumption in these plans was that the meltdown occurred because the self-correcting and self-regulating dynamics associated with the invisible hand ceased to function properly. And the intent of the plans was to create market conditions in which these dynamics could begin to function properly with a massive infusion of capital generated by deficit spending. This meltdown began after the collapse of the markets for derivative contracts that allow buyers to hedge against economic gains or losses. In the parlance of mainstream economists, a derivative is an agreement between two parties that the value of something is determined by the price movement of something else, and hedging allows a buyer or seller to protect assets or incomes against future rises in prices. In derivatives markets, debt is used to generate surplus capital, and this surplus is used to borrow increasingly larger sums of money in a process economists call financial leveraging. Traditional derivative trading was in commodity-related futures contracts, and the amount of debt that could be used as financial leverage was highly regulated. In these markets, buyers could hedge against unpredictable changes in the prices of real assets, such as wheat or cotton, and each commodity was traded separately. But this situation changed dramatically after December 2000, when the U.S. Congress banned the regulation of derivatives by passing the Commodity Futures Modernization Act. The rationale for passing this bill, which was largely written by representatives of the investment banks that would later make enormous profits in derivatives trading, appealed to two assumptions in neoclassical economic theory.


2009 ◽  
Vol 58 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Joachim Starbatty ◽  
Karen Horn ◽  
Gustav A. Horn

AbstractFrom Joachim Starbatty’s point of view the answer of many politicians to today’s economic crisis is deficit spending and protectionism. He declares that these are typical keynesian tools - which are - even in Keynes’ theory - only suitable in special circumstances and argues that the actual economic crisis is no Keynesian crisis. The actual lack of demand was predominantly caused by a problematic US monetary policy, not by a lack of marginal efficiency of capital. Keynesian tools cannot solve the crisis and risk to even worsen the situation in different ways.Karen Horn represents the opinion that the global financial and economic crisis has brought about a shift in the relative importance of government and market as well in terms of scope as in popularity. She says: The dichotomy may however seem overstated: both politics and the market are no more than evolved arenas for the social interaction of fallible humans. The crisis just demonstrates the natural failures and limitations of both more clearly than ever. But this is precisely the reason why social processes should become freer discovery procedures allowing for a dynamic generation of new knowledge. The precautionary principle recommends more active government focus on the rule level and clear limits of state action elsewhere in order to prevent a ratchet effect of intervention. In politics, a slippery slope leads directly from pragmatism to constructivism.Gustav Horn addresses the question if and under what conditions economic policy should intervene with markets during an economic crisis. He explains that two different forms of interventions are distinguished: A macroeconomic and microeconomic intervention. Their mutual impact is discussed and a theoretical macroeconomic approach of de Grauwe is used to derive a theoretical foundation. The conclusion is that at a time of crisis both macroeconomic interventions as well as microeconomic interventions that serve to stabilize production of a public good are appropriate. Not appropriate is a state intervention for purely microeconomic reasons.


Significance Canada’s next federal election must be held by October. Opinion polling is putting the Conservatives ahead. Impacts The Bank of Canada will likely keep interest rates steady for now. Wilson-Raybould and Philpott could move to other parties for the next election. Further economic difficulty and government deficit spending will increase government debt. The housing market will slow further but does not appear to be crashing. Tentative moves towards national pharmacare coverage will be talked up electorally but ultimately are unlikely to materialise.


Subject Impact of the COVID-19 outbreak on South-east Asia. Significance South-east Asia is uniquely exposed to the economic risks associated with COVID-19 because the region’s supply chains, labour flows and tourism industries are heavily reliant on China, where the virus originated and has had the greatest impact. Meanwhile, the threat to public health from the spread of the virus brings political risks for the region’s governments. Impacts Countries with weak healthcare systems, such as Myanmar and Laos, would struggle to deal with severe COVID-19 outbreaks. South-east Asian governments will put in place more expansive travel bans and stricter quarantine measures as the virus spreads. Across the region, mitigation packages put together by governments in response to COVID-19 will drive deficit spending this year.


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